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NEW ENGLAND
§t0torical & (Brntahptai Register,
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY, UNDER THE PATRONAGE OE THE
Neto (England historic, Genealogical Society.
FOR THE YEAR 1851.
VOLUME V.
P.OSTON:
SAMUEL G. RAKE, PUBLISHER,
1851.
PUBLISHING COMMITTEE FOE THE YEAR 1851.
Joseph B. Felt,
Charles Deane, Wm. T. Harris,
J. W. Thornton, David Hamblen.
P. MOODY, PRINTER,— OLD DICKINSON OFFICE,
No. 52 Washington Street.
PREFACE
It is a very common saying that Prefaces are never read, though every author, probably, who writes one, thinks his will surely be an exception to that saying. The writer has had experience enough in this line, to make him rather indifferent whether his is read or not ; for of one thing he is quite certain, namely, that if his patrons and others have read his Prefaces, (and they have not been few,) they did not produce many of the very important results that the writer had hoped for. But a Preface must be written, because a book without one, is too much like those houses, between the dining-rooms of which and the street, there is but one door ; though, in the old days of our ancestors, houses of this description were much more common, than books without Prefaces. If this Preface is not read it makes not much differ- ence what its import is ; if it should be read, we do not mean its readers shall be deceived by a series of flourishes and untruths about " the great encouragement we have met with, and how much obligation we are under to the public," &c, &c. All those who have done their duty towards us feel a consciousness of having done so, which is the best reward they can have, and is all they expect ; and if we have failed to do our duty towards any, we can in truth say we desire to make them amends.
With this Preface, will go out the fourth and last number, of volume five, of the New England Historical and Genealogi- cal Register, which is number twenty of the series. These twenty numbers complete five years of the principal labor of the writer ; and he would be most happy if he could say, he had been well remunerated for his time, anxiety, and exertions. But such is not the case. There are not people enough interested in the objects we have in view, to support such a work ; at least, a sufficient number has not yet been found, notwithstanding the
IV PREFACE.
confidence of many that there is antiquarian taste enough in the community to maintain this or a kindred work well. However, we do not mean that the work shall stop here. The Society, whose objects it has carried out, thus far, is large and well able to sustain the work, provided its members all patronize it, which is not now the case. And here we may be permitted to suggest, that no person should be admitted to a membership, in the Soci- ety, who will not patronize its Periodical. We say its Periodical, because it is entirely devoted to the objects of the institution. We do not say this for our special benefit, for it cannot be long that we shall stand in need of any, but we make the suggestion for the good of all concerned.
In our Preface to the second volume, we told the reader, that though the work was " on a foundation to be continued," we, at the same time, observed, that it would require " very great care and attention on the part of the Publisher, and the warm co-oper- ation of the friends of the cause" And while he takes pleasure in acknowledging efficient co-operation from many friends, yet he has to regret that it is not extensive enough, to make the circu- lation of the work above one-half what it should be to ensure its reasonable support.
It has before been remarked, that the work has carried out the objects of the New England Historic-Genealogical Society ; we mean, that thus far the publication has been entirely devoted to those objects ; and if it has not come fully up to the wishes of its friends, in some particulars, it is the fault of circumstances, not within our control, and not ours. There will, of course, be differences of opinion, regarding certain minor affairs, even among good judges of general matters, but no one, except the immediate conductor of such a work, can be sensible of the innumerable difficulties attending its progress. They should, therefore, be sparing of their censures, upon those who undertake in so diffi- cult a service.
It is really and truly the business of a State to collect, preserve wild promulgate its records. For a quarter of a century, at least, we have had this for our text, upon which, on all suitable occa- sions, we have endeavored to make others agree with us, by dis- coursing of its great importance ; and during this time, thousands of records and documents have, to our knowledge, been consumed by fire, or otherwise destroyed ; even entire books of town records have been burnt up! We hope the time is near at hand, when the consciences of legislators will call them, to account.
I> H B FACE. V
The legislature of Massachusetts has, indeed, very recently made some stringent laws relative to town records. Those laws arc very well; but there is something, of vast importance, which docs not seem to have been thought of by those legislatures. We mean a provision by which everything which can throw light on our early history and antiquities, should be collected and deposited in one place. There are thousands and tens of thousands of old papers, parchments and books, in private hands, scattered all over the land, many of which are of a public nature, and have a historical value, equal to any that are known to the public. Now, we say, to collect these, or copies of them, is the duty of the State. To effect this there should be a Record Commission appointed by the government of every State ; and it should be the duty of the members of such Commission, to go personally into all parts of the State, to collect, by copying or otherwise, everything of the character contemplated in the objects of their Commission. The result of such research should be deposited in the archives of the Commonwealth. We cannot enter here into details. The expense would be trifling; and until every State commences upon it, they will not have begun at the begin- ning of their duty. It is not improbable but that we may be judged, by some, to be out of the line of our duty in what we have ventured to assert. If there are any who decide thus, we shall have the privilege of judging of their motives, as well as they of ours. For those who condemn measures, they do not them- selves originate, we feel as little respect as they possibly can for us.
We feel a satisfaction in contemplating our labors, thus far published, notwithstanding their imperfections ; a satisfaction that it has been the means of rescuing a vast amount of facts and materials that would not otherwise have been preserved. But the work is only begun ; and without the aid of a Record Commission, or something of the nature of it, fifty years cannot bring it to a reasonable degree of usefulness. Every general work of a genealogical, biographical and historical character, must, of necessity, be very defective.
Any great undertaking, requiring the co-operation of the whole community, must, necessarily, be feebly and faintly prosecuted, however energetic or enterprising a few individuals may be, who embark in it. What, indeed, can a few societies do in such an undertaking ? It is true, they can do something towards rescuing perishing materials, but it is almost nothing compared with what ought to be done. We know there are individuals — individuals
PREFACE.
counted wise and learned too — who deprecate the publication of records; but we shall not express our mind fully here in regard to them — neither will we accuse them of a selfishness unworthy of men ; nor of possessing a meaner attribute — the sordid wish to be thought the only discoverers and publishers of little shreds and patches (for the best of our works are not much besides,) of our common country's history.
The editor has been requested to give an example in the Reg- ister, of the plan that he deems the best and most perfect for printing an extensive genealogy. Much might be said under that head, though it is his opinion, that he has, at different times, in the work, said all that is necessary. However, a word or two upon the subject, may be well enough at this time and in this place.
It has always appeared to us, that that system was the most perfect, which answered the most questions ; in other words, which answered every question at a glance ; that is, every ques- tion dependent upon a system or plan. This being admitted, we have no hesitation in pronouncing that employed in the present number, (October, 1851,) on the Genealogy of the Leonard Family, to be perfect and complete in every respect. We name this particular genealogy, because it is printed in a closer manner than others, on the same plan, in the Register; observing, however, that the names carried forward, are, in the Leonard Family, placed before, instead of after the serial num- ber, as they should have been. This was purely accidental, and was the mistake of the gentleman who prepared it. Of this system, the reader will find a full explanation in the fourth vol- ume, on page 42, and in the present volume, on page 177.
SAMUEL G. DRAKE. Boston, 56 Cornhill, 1 Oct. 1851.
GENERAL INDEX.
[Index of Names of Persons afc the end of the volume.]
Rog-
Almanac, American for 1851, 99
Antinomians, 20
Autographs of
Baker, Christine, 195 Baker, Thomas, 195, 204 Baker, Otis, 204 Church, Benjamin, 385 Cogswell, Amos, 207 Cogswell, Lydia, 207 Dudley, Thomas, 295 King Philip, 358 Leonard, Thomas, 407 Otis, Paul, 186, 187 Waldern, Richard, 181
Bedford Centennial Celebration, 369
Berry Pomeroy, John Prince, Vicar of, 381
Bibles, Capen, x, 180 ; Rawson, in. 201, 299 ers, 105 ; translations of the, 311
Billerica, Historical Items, 171 ; tax payers, 173
Biography of Hugh Peters, 13, 231, 275, 415 ; Capfc. Stoddard. 22 ; Mrs. Bowen, 101 ; G. W. AVent- worth, 103 ; John Rogers, 105 ; Nath'l Rogers, 132, &c.
Boston Sunday regulation, 78 ; Early Records of, 97, 243, 333 ; Registration, 265 ; Reminiscences of, 370
Book of Sports, 12, 20
Books, Reviews and Notices of, Adams' Haven Genealogy, 99 Ames' Chart of the Ames Family, 471 American Almanac, 99
Andrews' Chart of the Sargent &c. Family, 471 Archaeologia Americana, 100 Banvard's Plymouth and the Pilgrims, 469 Barnes' Centennial Address, 369 Batchelder's Border Adventures, 266 Beckwith's Genealogy of the Brown Family of
R. I., 741 Bouton's Centennial Discourse at Norwalk, 471 Bushnell's Speech for Ct.5 471 Burr, 472
Copway's Sketches of the Ojibways, 469 Dearborn's Reminiscences of Boston, 370 Davenport's Genealogy of the Davenports, 469 Day's Genealogy of the Day Family, 470 Hammett's Old Stone Mill, Newport, 470 Howe's Century Sermon, 266 Lothrop's History of Brattle Street Church, 470 Lyon's N H. Annual Register, 370 Moody's Selections from N E. Fathers, 471 -»«^, Morse's Memorial of the Morses, 469 Quincy's Memoir of Bromfield, 99 Rice's Chart of the Rice Family, 471 Sibley's History of Union, 470 Simond's Boston Registration, 265 Tenney's Class of 1837, of Y. C, 370 Ward's Genealogy of the Ward Family, 368 Williams' Centennial at Buxton, 369 Yale's Genealogy of the Yale Family, 99
Braintree Iron Works, 404
Brattle St. Church, History of, 470
Burying-ground Inscriptions — See Inscriptions
Buxton, Centennial Address at. 369
Cambridge Historical Items, 171
Canada, Stoddard's Journey to, 26-42 Cazenovia, First Minister in, 414 Centennial Celebrations— See Book Notices , ICharlestown Inscriptions, 175 ; Hist. Items, 172
AfCochecho, Ancient Map of, 183 *
Colchester Records— correction, 310
Connecticut, Speech for, 471
Concord Records, 100 ; Historical Items, 172-3
Constitution, Frigate, 102
Dartmouth College, 4166
Deaths and Marriages — See Obituaries.
Deerfield, Captives from, 21-2, 32, be. 75
Devonshire Genealogies, Notice of, 382
Diary, one by Nathaniel Rogers, 136
Donations to Genealogical Society, 104, 374
Dorchester Inscriptions, n, 312, 381 ; iv, 165, 275 ;
v, 89, 255 Dorchester, Old, 389, 465
Dover, Early History, 177-223 ; Gen. Items, 449 Dracut, men killed by Indians, 79 ; First born
there, 80 Emigrants for Virginia, 248 Epitaphs— See Inscriptions Errata, 82-3, 270, 373, 440, 476 Extraordinary Family, 162 First Settlers in Rochester, 85 Freemen of Windsor, 247 French War Soldiers, 42 Genealogical Charts, Observations upon, 471 Genealogical Society, 104, 270, 374 ; Gleanings, 345 Genealogies, best method of printing, i, 21 ; iv, 42 ;
v, 6 ; pioneers in, 99, 469 ; importance of, n,
116 ; criticisms on the methods of making out,
iv, 94 ; v, 99, 368 ; Prince's Devonshire, 332 Genealogies, Pedigrees, &c. —
Appleton, 144
Baker, 190, &c.
Bates, 101
Beau, 202-5
Beede, 214-15
Boltwood, 101
Bonner, 174
Breck, a, 225 ; v, 396-7
Brooks, 355
Bromfield, 100
Carr, 200-1
Chesley, 205, 454-5
Clement, 473
Cogswell, 206-8
Colton, 167
Collins, 473
Cox, 102
Denison, 139-40
Dodge, 328-9
Frost, 165-70
Gilman, 210-11, 345
Gookin, i, 345
Hanson, 213
Heard, 179, 187
Hodges, 4145
Hubbard, 142-3 ; 316-17
Huntington, 163
Ingalls, 474
Knight, 474
VI II
GENERAL INDEX.
,* Leighton, 166 / Leonard, 101-2, 403, &c.
Payne, 881-3 Pinkham. 198, 450
Plnmer, 867-8
Prinoe, 875-84 Purmgton, 215 Uichardson, 475
Ricker, 808-10, 464 ' — Robinson. 404
Dingers. 105, 224, 811
RoBins, i
Shannon, 245
SSapleigh, 345
Stebbins, 71,351
Stoddard, 21-3
Stoughton, 350
Turner, 466
Tattle, 188, 198, 216 "nJ — Varney, 197-8 1 Varnum, 70. 250
Yaughan, 245
Waldron, 182. 205-6
Wales, 411-12
Wallingfbrd, 206-7
Watson, 216-17
Weeks. 4t>7
Wentworth, 103-4, 205-6, 269, 4188
Wbittingham, 149-52
Williams, 414*
Willis, 470
Wiswall, 468
Wood, ii, 259-60
Wormeley, 268-9 Gleanings, Genealogical, 345 Gloucester, Genealogical Items, 343 Groton, Historical Items, 173 Harvard College, bequest to, 127 ; Rogers chosen
President of, 137; graduates of, 47, 153; N.
Prince's work upon, 384 ; Stoughton's bequest
to. 465 Hingham, witchcraft paper, 263 Hopkinton, century sermon at, 266 House, supposed oldest in N. Eng., 406 Indians, voyage to the eastern, 376; murder by,
377 ; attempt on Northampton, 75 ; kill people
at Dracut, 79 ; Lovewell's expedition against,
80; nearly destroy Dover, 180, &c. ; bounty
on their scalps, 193 ; one sold, 233 ; some
thoughts about evangelizing them, 418 ; mur- ders by them in Raynham, 406 ; Philip pro- tects the Leonards, 407 ; incident of Philip's
war, 4141 ; protect the Quakers, 467 ; fight with
at Wheelwright's Pond, 468 Inscription?, Monumental, 45, 67, 78, 84, 89, 132,
139,175,249,366 >>»''' Jro.i , first manufacture of in N. Eng., 404, 4142 Jou.nal of Capt. Stoddard to Canada, 26-42 ; of J.
Walton. 42 Laws, to be made by Hugh Peters, 19, 232 Lee, N. H., bloody fight there, 468 ' Letters, original, 28-31, 84-5, 43, 57-61, 77, 88, 125,
lj30, 144, 163, 187, 307, 357, 367, 382, 884, 414°-?
Longivltj , 162, 224, 456, 472 [404,4142
Lynn, Genealog. Items, 93,251,339 ; Tron Works at, Madbnry, formerly part of Dover, 185 Main.-. Journal of a rovage to, 376-7 Marriages and Deaths, L0I, 267, 371, 471 Martyrs of SmKMeld, 115
Massachusetts, early accused of aiming at inde- pendence, 19-20
Kiassachusettensis, authorship questioned, 410-11
Memoirs of Hugh Peters, 9, 231, 275 ; of Rogers, 105, &c. ; of Gen. Ward, 371 ; of Rev. Thomas Prince, 375-84
Middleborough, first lawyer in, 412
Middlesex, early statistics of, 171
x\ew ivugland, Indian wars of, 142 ; History of, 143 ; Manuscripts relating to, 164 , great value of Prince's Annals of, 375 ; the Annals of, pre- sented io the General Court by the author, 378
New Ipswich, Centennial celebration, 266
Newport, the " Old Ruin " at, noticed, 470
New Publications, notices of, — See Books [82-3
Northampton, inhabitants of, in 1679, iv. 25 J v.
Norwalk Centennial Celebration at, 471
Norwotuck, inhabitants of, 82
Obituaries, &c., 101, 267, 371, 471
Ojibways, sketches of, 469
Oyster River, garrison attacked, 449
Old Dorchester History and Genealogies, 389-465
Old French war soldiers, 42
Old Grave-yard in York, 67
Old stone Mill.— See Newport.
Passengers for Virginia, 61, 343 ; notes respecting, 248
Pedigrees. — See Genealogies, &c.
Peekskill, Burying-ground Inscriptions, 45
Pemaquid, voyage to, 377
Pilgrims, Plymouth and the, 469
Pirate, the term maliciously applied, 4148
Plymouth, wills from, 259,335, 885 ; Plymouth and the Pilgrims, 469
Poetry, 17, 122, 134, 138, 294, 322
Pontypool. Leonards originated there, 404
Publications, notices of, 99, 265, 368, 469
Punkapaugue, Who v>ere the Weutworths of? 4148
Quakers, persecution of one of the, 467
Raynham, first Iron Works at, 404 ; first Minister, 412
Rebel, the term maliciously applied, 4148
Reviews of Books.— tee Books
Revolution, incidents of, 81, 101, 210
Rochester, First Settlers of, 85
Roxbury, Early Records of, 834
Salem, graduates from at H. C, 47,153
Say brook, Records of, 247
Scarborough, Historical Item, 264
Sports, book of, 12, 20
Springfield, Inhabitants of, in 1768, 83-4
Stoughton, made a town, 4148
St. John, Inscriptions from, 84
Suffolk, wills.— See wills
Taxation no Tyranny, 411
Traditions of " Three Brothers," &c, 166
Union. Hist, of, 470 [284
Virginia, Passengers for, 61,343; Emigrants to,
Voyage to Maine, 376-7
Waltham, Inscriptions, 249
Whale, first killed in N. Eng., 456
White Hills of N. II. seen from the ocean, 376
Wills, Suffolk, 239, 295, 441 ; Plymouth, 259, 335, 285: Stebbins, 77; Rogers, 125, 136; Green, 248
Windsor, Records of, 63, 225, 359, 457 ; Freemen of 247
Witchcraft, one accused of at Hingham, 268
Yale College, class of 1837, 370
York, Me., Inscriptions from, 67
mam ipe theirs,
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NEW ENGLAND
HISTORICAL AND GENEALOGICAL REGISTER.
VOL. V. JANUARY, 1851. NO. I
MEMOIR OF HUGH PETERS.
BY JOSEPH B. FELT.
It is well known, that the view taken of men and things, accords with the medium, through which they are observed. If such me- dium be clear and correct, it will, of course, give a right impression. If not, the reverse holds true. This accounts for the diversity of opinions entertained of the person, who heads this article.
No doubt, as subject to the elements of imperfection, he had, like all his race, faults to correct and omissions of obligation to deplore. But, looking at him as he really was, or supposed to be, some have esteemed him talented, learned, honest, benevolent, and magnanimous, — a benefactor of his fellow-beings and a true ser- vant of God, — while others have denied him these excellencies of character. Among the former class we profess ourselves to be numbered. This is a principal inducement to the preparation of the subsequent notice.
The parentage of Peters (1) was highly respectable. His father, son of Sir John, (2) was an eminent merchant of Fowey (3) in Cornwall, whose ancestors, as advocates of the Reformation, were compelled to flee thither from the city of Antwerp. His mother, Elizabeth, was of an ancient and honourable family, whose name was Treffey of Place in the Town of his birth. Though while referring to this subject, he regarded such descent as desireable, yet he appreciated personal merit as of far greater worth.
The birth of Peters was in 1599. By the time he was prepared to enter college, adversity crossed the prosperous enterprise of his father. His elder brothers were liberally educated, the one, Wil-
(1) Part of this account is given in his Legacy and the rest by his biographer, Samuel Peters, LL.D.
(2) He spelt his surname, Peter,
(3) Camden remarks, " Fowy was very famous in the last age for sea-fights, as is plain from the arms of the place, which are a compound of all those of the Cinque ports."
2
10 Memoir of Hugh Peters. [J
an.
liam, at Leyden University, and the other, Thomas, at Oxford. While the second was pursuing his studies at the last place, Hugh entered Trinity of Cambridge, 1613, where he took his A.B. in 1617, and his A.M. 1622.
It is remarkable, that Brook, in his lives of the Puritans, should so readily credit the slander of Kennet's Chronicles, when he had it in his power so easily to have corrected the error. In his account of Peters, he says, " It is indeed observed, that when he was at Cambridge, he was so lewd and insolent, as to be whipt in the Regent's walk — a punishment scarcely ever inflicted upon any since, or perhaps a long time before, and so expelled forever from the University." A look at the graduating catalogue of the University, shows the utter falsity of his expulsion, being the greater punishment, and thus strongly implies, that the less and its assigned cause are of an equally reckless and incredible char- acter.
Peters was connected with this Seat of Learning nine years, where, as he candidly remarks, " I spent some years vainly enough, being but 14 years old when thither I came ; my Tutor died, and I was exposed to my shifts." The perils of his inexperience, uni- ted with the loss of his appointed adviser and protector, were indeed great. Thus situated, he gave evidence of his generous, strong, and filial affection. He relates, "that estate I had by an uncle, I left with my mother and lived at the University." Such self-denial indicates, that, however he may have indulged in youth- ful gayeties, and not thus have so closely applied himself to study as he should, he still abstained from spending his substance in dissipation. About to leave the scene of his literary course, where the principles and character of young men pass through a fiery ordeal, and where, too often, they are destroyed or greatly injured in the trial, Peters took his way to London. There the covenant promise to his fathers was fulfilled in himself. There the arrow of revealed truth fastened upon his heart, and con- strained him to call on the Great Physician for healing mercy. His words, in reference to such experience, follow : " God struck me with the sense of my sinful estate, by a sermon 1 heard under Pauls. The text was The Burden of Dumah, and stuck fast." This important event in his religious life, occurred when he was about 23 years of age. He regarded it with all the seri- ousness, with which it is clad by the unerring wisdom of the Gospel.
Granger mentions the gossip of envy, that after Peters left College, " he betook himself to the stage, where he acquired that gesticulation and buffoonery which he practised in the pulpit." The candid representation, which his Legacy gives of the manner, in which he spent his time in useful engagements, forbids the allowance of such a report. Indeed, it shows that his heart was turned to the Sanctuary, soon after he left College, instead of the Theatre.
His mind being brought to dwell thus unusually on spiritual subjects, he retired to Essex. Here he was much assisted by
1851.] Memoir of Hugh Peters. 11
Thomas Hooker, in the solution of his doubts, the confirmation of his faith, and the increase of his hopes. What he had so learned to be of more worth, than all the treasures of earth, be- came the theme of his instructions to others. Thus, almost before he was aware, like the Apostle Paul, he found himself invested with the anxieties and encouragements of delivering to attentive audiences, the message of eternal life. Still he consid- ered himself not sufficiently prepared in his studies, for so high a calling. He, therefore, decided to take up his abode in the me- tropolis. Before, however, he did this, he became attached to a lady, and, as he describes it, " married with a good genllewo- man."
Having returned to London, he attended on the ministry of Gouge, Sibs and Davenport. His intention was, for the present, to be a learner and not a teacher of theology. But the importu- nity of friends was stronger than his purpose. Being licensed by Dr. Montaigne, Bishop of the same city, he yielded to their wishes. While he officiated at a certain place, a young man was much interested in him and his discourses, and made strenuous exer- tions to have him preach at St. Sepulchre's once a month. The person so energetic, gave, as an earnest of his sincerity, X30 a year for such an object. Success crowned his efforts, and he was highly gratified to hear Peters in the pulpit, where he wished to have him appointed.
Here throngs listened to the fervid and impressive eloquence of Peters. Like the more modern Wesley and Whitefield, his popularity would soon draw together a multitude. His motive, like theirs, was not mere worldly applause. It was lighted and purified at the alter of Christian truth, and it raised his aspira- tions and modified his toils, so as to benefit his hearers in their spiritual and eternal interests. Under such influence, sanctified to them by the Spirit of grace, " above an hundred every week were pursuaded from sin to Christ."
Thus borne along, Peters began to perceive, that every aspect was not bright and every way not smooth in his progress. Some looked on his career with envy, which exhibited itself in detrac- tion and resistance. His right purposes and benevolent actions were wrested from their true direction, and represented in the dark hues of iniquitous selfishness. Others were angry, that he declined strict conformity with the Rubric and Liturgy. Conver- sant with men, like Davenport and Hooker, who afterwards be- came pillars of New England Congretionalism, he strongly de- sired and sought with them, for the reformation of what they deemed corruptions in the national Episcopacy. Of course, he was ranked with the Church Puritans, against whom James I. encouraged the Arminians and Papists, " who became a state faction against the old English Constitution." Such policy, in- tended by its promoters as their main dependance, ultimately proved as a broken staff. Before, however, its lack of wisdom and its essential weakness were sadly manifested, Laud, while
12 Memoir of Hugh Peters. [Jan.
in power, risked his reputation and station on its practice. This Prelate was accustomed to remark of snch preachers as Peters, "they were the most dangerous enemies of the State, because by their prayers and sermons they awakened the peo- ple's disaffection, and therefore must be suppressed." Brought into contact with the influences of such power, backed by the fullest support of the Crown, Peters was convinced, that he must either flee from it, or be crushed, as to his liberty and labors. Having concluded that duty required him, like many others, to give up all the endearments of native country, for a sojourn on foreign soil, he concluded to comply with the painful necessity. The particulars of the hard measure, he received from the hand of government, are scantily preserved. He modestly refers to it and briefly states it, " there, at St. Sepulchres, I had some trouble, who could not conform to all."
Referring to himself and others, who left home and kindred for the unmolested enjoyment of their religion, he adds, "Truly my reason for myself and others to go was merely not to offend au- thority in that difference of judgment, and had not the book for encouragement of Sports on the Sabbath come forth, many had staid."
Brook informs us through Huntley, that Peters, while praying for the Queen in the same church, used the words, " that as she came into the Goshen of safety, so the light of Goshen might shine into her soul, and that she might not perish in the day of Christ." This was a suitable petition for her majesty, who was a strenuous Catholic, by one who professed and preached the Pro- testant faith. But, as the same authority relates, such an utterance of his desires reached the ears of Laud, who forbid the continuance of his ministry, had him committed to close confinement in New Prison, and kept him there " some time before any articles were exhibited against him. Though certain noblemen offered bail for him, it was refused." At length he was released. Such was the treatment, which led him to the conclusion already mentioned.
While the law was brought to bear so heavily upon his per- son, the tongue of reproach wounded his spirit. Various writers have noticed the insinuation of Langbaine, that Peters had im- proper intimacy with the wife of one among his parishioners. Granger repeats the story, and says that in consequence of it "he fled to Rotterdam." Circumstances, strong as fact, with his own repeated denials, consign the accusation to the category of idle, if not malicious falsehood. At this very time, there is no appearance that his people had any belief of it ; that the noble- men who were anxious to free him from imprisonment put the last confidence in it; that the worthies, with whom he was ef- ficiently engaged in helping to colonize our territory, listened to it for a moment. And subsequently, there is not the least indi- cation, that the English, who became a Congregational Church under him, on the Continent; that his eminent colleagues there, Ames and Davenport ; that his distinguished friend, Forbes ; that
1851.] Memoir of Hugh Peters. 1 3
the authorities and people of Massachusetts ; that the men of high rank and character who were his firm patrons in his native kingdom ; and the Parliament, who placed in him the greatest confidence, gave any credence to the story. Indeed, the many excellent persons, with whom he was most intimate, and whose enterprise for freedom, depended mainly on the purity of motive and example in themselves and associates, would have been the first to notice such a stain upon his character, had it existed, and to have withdrawn the hand and countenance of friendship from him, had he so forfeited their confidence. But the fact, that he pursued the straight course of obligation, as he believed it, and shared in their co-operation and support, is proof, that, how- ever political foes threw out hints to blacken his reputation, they esteemed him honest and upright in all his relations of life. The intimations, that he left his country to be rid of the trouble, re- sulting from such an accusation, is clearly without the least proof. The reason for his exchange of residence, as given by himself and others, was to escape the persecution, to which his principles of non-conformity continually exposed him. Besides, had he so done, when, by continual intercourse between London and the Low Countries, his character would have followed him wherever he went, it would have been absurd for him to attempt another eligible settlement in the ministry, and gain friends among the best and most respected. But he did succeed in these wor- thy objects, and the inference justly is, that his was not the flight of a scape-grace. When under sentence of death, and in view of the solemnities of speedy judgment before an Omniscient ar- biter, when solicitous that his motives and faith might bear the soul-searching scrutiny, a religious friend desired him to tell the truth on this very point. His hearty and serious reply was, " I bless the Lord I am wholly clear in that matter, and I never knew any woman but my own wife." In his dying counsels to his daughter, he adverted to the same matter and remarked, " By my zeal, it seems, I have exposed myself to all manner of re- proach."
So situated, he was among many of the best men in England, who sympathized with the plans and endeavors of the Rev. John White, whose heart was set upon the preparation of a refuge in Massachusetts, for the troubled Puritans of his own country. Immediately after a Patent was obtained of the Council for New England, Peters was the first clergyman, who subscribed towards the funds for so needful and noble an enterprise. On this occasion, stirring to the hearts and hopes of those, who longed for a permanent abode, where all, tried like themselves, might enjoy their principles and forms of religion without molestation, he subscribed .£50. The paper, for this purpose, was dated May, 1628. It began with words of solemnity, " In the name of God, Amen," and contained the petition, " Whereunto the Almighty grant prosperous and happy success, that the same may redound to his glory and the propagation of the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
14 Memoir of Hugh Peters. [Jan.
On the 30th of the same month, (1) deeply interested in the emigration of Endicott and his company for so elevated an ob- ject, Peters unites with thirteen others, in signing his instructions for the government of the Colony, already under the direction of the estimable Conant.
With his mind and heart on an undertaking, so congenial with his wishes and sentiments, the circumstances, which called for a removal, came to a crisis. He looked to Holland and New Eng- land as a field for his labor. The preponderance of present reasons favored the former. He went thither about the close of
1628, to ascertain more fully what would be the prospect of his usefulness in the Low Countries. In the mean while, he had serious thoughts of emigrating hither with Higginson, Skelton, and other ministers, to aid in the great work of founding a relig- ious Commonwealth. He had returned to London by May 11,
1629, when he attended a Court of Assistants, who convened to hear the proposition of Oldham, relative to the Gorges Patent. This was embraced in the Charter of the Massachusetts Com- pany, and, as to the manner of its being granted, was sensible evidence of the design, entertained by the royal party of England, to overthrow the liberties of Congregationalism in New Plymouth, and to crush their buddings wherever else they might appear. On the 13th, he was also at the Court of Election for officers of the same Corporation. The nature of their purpose was too much in harmony with his own convictions of what tended to the best welfare of his race, to allow his absence from such conventions. To meet his calculation for the period between this time and his emigration to America, he must have returned soon to Holland.
So constrained to forsake the society of his countrymen, with whom he loved to take counsel and co-operate for the preservation and spread of Puritanism, then the butt of ridicule with courtiers, he still continued his ministrations of the Gospel. The cause of Christianity was precious to him in every clime and under all changes. He realized the fact, that such was the infinite wisdom of its doctrines, they were suited to the necessities of his race, whatever might be their temporal condition, either prosperous or adverse, either as friends or foes, acquaintances or strangers. He deeply felt, that the spiritual wants of all, with whom his lot was providentially cast, called for like sympathy, zeal, and exertion.
Though a minute and extended acquaintance with the events of his newly chosen residence, is very desirable to the inquirers, who would follow him, yet they can discover but a few scattered facts in the pursuit. He himself, though associated with some among the most worthy and distinguished of his profession, after specifying the years of his continuance, sententiously observes, that it was spent "not without the presence of God in my work."
In the answer of John Paget, minister of Amsterdam, to the publication of Davenport, as given by Hanbury, we have the
(1) The date here is as Hutchinson has it, but Young's Massachusetts Chroni- cles, p. 135, give Sept. 13, which is a mistake.
1851.] Memoir of Hugh Peters. 15
ensuing passage: "For Mr. Peters, though at his first coming I gave some way, and opposed not such as sought to have him here, yet after some time of his continuance in this country, when he was called and confirmed for Pastor of the English church at Rotterdam ; when, after this, a new proposition was again made for calling him hither, I acknowledged that 1 did not consent unto it." He had previously declared, that he opposed the settlement of Ames and Forbes, because he disagreed with them on points of ecclesiastical order. It seemed that for a like cause, he was un- willing to favor the call of Peters in Amsterdam before and after his installation in Rotterdam.
Here Peters was colleague with the noted William Ames, who left a professorship at the University of Francker, to be united with him in Gospel labors, and who, like himself, was heartily in- terested in the experiment of the New England colonists. He was an intimate friend of one, who had been made bishop by James, but was obliged, through difference in opinion with the Covenanters, to leave a divinity professorship at Aberdeen. In reference to such a connexion, his words were, " I lived near that famous Scotsman, Mr. John Forbes, with whom I travelled into Germany, and enjoyed his society in much love and sweetness constantly, from whom I received nothing but encouragement, though we differed in the way of our churches." Enjoying the confidence and affection of his senior co-pastor, he was called, ere long, to be deprived of his advice and aid in the cure of souls. This event, which he sincerely lamented, took place Nov., 1633. Alluding to it, his language was, " The learned Amesius breathed his last into my bosom." For several months, and perhaps longer, before Hooker came to this country, in the same year, he assisted Ames, who was probably sick with the Asthma, to which he was subject, and thus was co-worker with Peters. By this means, Hooker and Peters renewed their former intimate friendship, and they with Ames, actuated by similar motives and purposes, were like a three fold cord, not easily broken.
In the able preface of Hooker to the celebrated work of Ames, " A fresh suit against human ceremonies in God's worship," he remarked of himself, the two with whom he was so united, and others dispersed abroad from their mother country or suffering at home — " Consider how many poor Ministers are under pressure, some fled, some imprisoned, many suspended, themselves and families undone." As Hooker embarked for this land of spiritual promise to all of kindred sentiment, prior to the decease of Ames, Peters was severely tried by being deprived of their society, in the course of a short period.
For nearly two years after the last of such bereavements, Peters faithfully discharged the duties of his high vocation. But to the interruption of his peaceable and beneficial labors, he perceived, that the influence of Bishop Laud, was increasingly extended, that the civil protection around his asylum, was not proof against the power of that Primate, whose room and library in part, were, in a
16 Memoir of Hugh Peters. [Jan.
way, not yet revealed to mortal ken, to become his own for a series of years. On this point, Winthrop informs us, while speaking of Peters, " Who being persecuted by the English ambassador, who would have brought his and other churches to the English discipline."
Thus renewedly, though alike tried as before, the heart of Peters was still with the American home of the Puritans. For years he had considered himself pledged to conform with the call of his friends in Massachusetts, whenever the necessities of the colonists should cry, " Come over and help us." This message having reached him, he felt relieved from obligation to toil in the old world for the advancement of the cause, which he hoped to promote, more fully and speedily, where it had not the long estab- lished opposition of Royalty and Prelacy, immediately to encounter. Not only was he desirous, that he might be instrumental in help- ing to keep the flame of reformation alive among the civilized, but also to spread its rays among the benighted Indians. This two-fold object was the common profession of all the leading clergy and laity, who combined their energies in the wise and beneficial design of erecting a reformed State and Church, on these shores. Peters observed, that in relation to it, his own views, desires, and intentions harmonized with those of "that good man, my dear, firm friend, Mr. White of Dorchester."
So invited and sustained, he was deeply interested in every movement, which helped forward these objects in the western world. This very year, Lion Gardener, Engineer under the Prince of Orange in the Low Countries, " through the persuasion of Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Hugh Peters, and other well affected Englishmen of Rotterdam," makes an agreement with the " fore- named Mr. Peters, for four years, to serve the patentees, namely the Lord Say, the Lord Brook," and others. Such a compact had reference to the settlement of Say brook at the mouth of the Connecticut, as another plantation chiefly for the spread of Gospel ordinances and influences. 1635. This year, Paget replied to a publication of Davenport, issued the year before, who had been his colleague in the ministry. The former, in remarking on the vari- ance of his opinion on some points from that of other theologians, used this language : " Mr. Peters hath by his practice declared his judgment, that it is lawful to communicate with the Brownists in their worship, and by his example hath strengthened divers members of our Church therein ; such as sundry of these com- plainants are, already too much addicted to resort unto the assembly of schismatics and to hear them ! "
Doing in any direction what his hand found to do in the dis- charge of his obligations, Peters bid adieu to the diversified scene of his hopes and fears, consolations and trials, after " five or six years' " experience, and launched upon the ocean with his course directed hitherward. But being a marked man in the view of advocates for high church principles, they could not suffer him to depart in peace. Dr. Nichols, one of their champions, as quoted by Brook, represents that Peters was so unpopular, that he was
1851.] Memoir of Hugh Peters. 17
obliged to leave Rotterdam and seek for another sphere of occu- pation. The facts, however, that while in Massachusetts and subsequently in England, he was employed by the authorities to transact important business for them in Holland, because of his high repute and great influence there, shows that such a repre- sentation was the off-shoot of prejudice and not of truth.
After the usual occurrences in crossing the Atlantic, Peters ar- rived at Boston, Oct. 6, 1635, with many passengers in the ships, Abigail and Defence. Several ministers, embarked in the like sacred enterprise, came with him, as John Wilson, who had been here before, and Samuel Shepard. Their plan, like moral obli- gation, was perfect, but they well knew their own deficiency in corresponding excellence to carry it out, and, therefore, their sup- plications were frequent and fervent to Him, who giveth strength to the weak and help to the needy. Among his descriptions, Johnson says, " This year came over the famous Hugh Peters, whose courage was not inferior to any of these transported ser- vants.
With courage bold Peters, a Souldier stout, In Wildernesse for Christ begins to war."
With health some impaired and spirits usually buoyant, but occasionally much depressed, Peters was desirous to consult with the Elders here, face to face, and particularly as to his continuance in the country. He found the Colony in a condition of alarm, lest the government, at home, would fit out vessels of war for compelling them to surrender their charter, and also of perplex- ity from the opposition, made by Roger Williams and his friends against administering an oath of fidelity to the people, as a means of greater security. While in this attitude, he was far from folding his " hands to sleep." He divided his Sabbath labors between Boston and Salem. At the last Town, there had been much excitement and trouble in the Church, concerning the la- mentable case of Williams, who was still there under sen- tence of banishment, and had withdrawn from worshipping with his parish. On this account, the ministrations of Peters had need of prudence consistent with truth, and without offence to minds, which were still chafed by disagreement on the points of their recent controversy.
From this quarter his attention was summoned to another. He signs with Winthrop and Henry Vane, as agents for Lords Say, Brook and associates, who were strong supporters of the Puritan cause, — an address to the emigrants, who had gone from the Bay to Connecticut and located themselves on the Pa- tent, claimed by such noblemen and the rest of their company. The intent of the communication was to ascertain from the set- tlers, how they purposed to act with respect to the government, appointed by those proprietors.
The next month after Peters' arrival, he is mentioned by Win- throp, as active to free the colonists from impositions in traffick with " seamen and others." Such caution had reference to im-
18 Memoir of Hugh Peters. [Jan.
ported goods, especially out-fits for the fishery. In the practice of it, Peters 'k moved the country to raise a stock." Under Janu- ary of 1638, his success in this undertaking is described by Winthrop. He labored " publicly and privately, procured a good sum of money, and wrote into England to raise as much more. The intent was to set up a magazine of all provisions and other necessaries for fishing, that men might have things at hand for reasonable prices." Does the question here arise, why should he so meddle with worldly affairs ? The reply is, that then what- ever rightly tended to promote the temporal welfare of the Commonwealth, also aided to advance its spiritual interests, and was therefore considered laudible in the clergy as well as in the laity. Under such circumstances, the end consecrated the neces- sary means. 18th. Several of the principal men, as Haynes, the Governor, Bellingham, his Deputy, Cotton, Hooker and Wil- son, having been invited by Peters and Henry Vane to meet them in Boston, are now accordingly convened. The occasion of this assemblage was to take measnres for the suppression of a factious spirit, which prevailed, to some extent, among the people, and to settle a difference between Dudley and Winthrop. The latter object was speedily accomplished. With respect to the former, they make arrangements to rectify supposed faults in the past administration of Colonial affairs. Such advisers, with conscientious intentions to compass the end of their emigration, separated with the peaceful reflection, that they had consulted and decided in compliance with the dictates of their responsi- bility.
April 12. There being great scarcity of provisions, and the Char- ity from Dartmouth having arrived with supplies, they were purchased by Peters for the Towns, which suffered for the lack of them, at a great reduction from the usual excessive rates, demand- ed by the coast-traders. Such a labor of love for the public, was noticed with high appreciation.
Variously active as the wants of the Colony required, Peters was made partaker in part of the trials, which still betided the Salem Church, as the consequence of troubles with Williams. The last of these persons left some of his friends, who believed with him, that it was wrong even to attend on Episcopal wor- ship in England, and to commune with those who did so when there, unless they reformed in their opinion and practice. This subject was left to the advice of Elders in other churches, who disapproved of such a position, though they commended tolera- tion to its supporters while they walked orderly.
May 15. In a discourse before the Congregation of Boston, Peters made several requests of them. That they would release their Teacher, Cotton, for a season, that he might give marginal notes on the difficult passages of the Bible ; " that a new book of martyrs might be made, to begin where the other had left; that, a form of church government might be drawn according to the Scriptures;" that they would take steps to advance industrial
1851.] Memoir of Hugh Peters. 19
employments, especially in winter, among a portion of the colo- nists, whose omission of it threatened great injury to the " Church and Commonwealth."
May 25. With Vane, Winthrop, and other laymen, Col ton and Shepard, elders, Peters was requested by the General Court " to make a draught of laws agreeable to the Word of God, which may be fundamentals of this Commonwealth." In consequence of this movement, probably accelerated by the suggestion of Peters, Cotton produced " Moses his Judicials."
June. Peters sets out in company with Fenwick and others, on horseback, for the Patent of Lords Say, Brook, and associates. He had previously manifested his earnest wish for the furtherance of this newly settled Plantation. Owing to its weak and exposed condition, he and his friends promised to use their influence for the prevention of threatened war with the Pequods.
July 9. "Many ships lying at Natascott to set sail," he, desi- rous that the crews might hear the Gospel, went down and preached on board of the Hector. The commander of this ves- sel and others prevailed on Governor Vane to have the king's colors displayed on the Castle, though the colonists considered its cross as an idolatrous emblem. The fleet being still wind-bound, Peters tarried and spent the Sabbath with them in its appropriate duties. Wherever he perceived the most need of Christian in- struction, he laid aside formalities and self-convenience, so that he might give it and so clear himself of conscious neglect.
Dec. 7. The controversy, occasioned by the speculations of Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, came before the Legislature. It had drawn in Peters, as among the chief Elders, who anxiously watched its progress and strove to counteract its tendency. They had recently met and drawn up questions for Cotton, who, at first, favored her opinions. Being assured of this, Vane, who also ad- vocated her cause, was disturbed, that he had not been advised of such a movement, and expressed himself accordingly. Peters re- plied, that it saddened the feelings of the ministers, while so in the discharge of what they deemed their obligation, that he should exhibit a jealousy of them and an inclination to abridge their liberty. Vane manfully apologized. Peters besought him, in view of his youth and short experience in the course of religion, to beware of hasty conclusions and measures. While these men of true worth, were so brought into temporary collision, their per- ception was unable to look through the veil of the future, and behold themselves perseveringly agreed in the support of freedom, at the hazard and final cost of their lives. Dec. 21. Having preached to great acceptance with the Salem Congregation, Pe- ters became their pastor. No other minister's influence and labors in the Colony now equalled his, for Cotton's were in a short eclipse, through his leniency for the doctrines of Mrs. Hutch- inson. As an assistant in his pastoral duties, Peters had George Burdet, popular for his talents, learning, and eloquence. The lat- ter was employed at Salem in the year of the former's arrival, and continued there to the summer of 1637, but going soon after
20 Memoir of Hugh Peters, [Jan.
to the eastward, he was discovered at York, 1639, as holding cor- respondence with Land and others of the Lords Commissioners, in which he asserted, that Massachusetts aimed more at indepen- dence of the Crown, than reformation in ecclesiastical government.
1637, Jan. 19. The church of Peters, like the rest in the Juris- diction, keep a fast-day, because of the distresses endured by- Protestants in Germany, as the result of victories gained by the Imperialists ; of the sufferings inflicted on ministers in England, whose conscientious scruples kept them from reading the Book of Sabbath sports ; and of the religious discussions among the people here.
Aug. 30. At the Synod, convened at Newton, Peters was present with others of the Country. A main design with them was to collect the prevalent opinions, which they considered wrong and injurious, as well as to devise means for the suppression of animosity, which existed between the Legalists and Antinomians, so termed by each other. Of such opinions " about eighty -two were condemned by the whole Assembly."
Nov. 2. The expectation, which had been generally indulged, that the measures of the Synod would induce Mrs. Hutchinson and her brother-in-law, Wheelwright, to discontinue exertions for the spread of their creed, was disappointed. Hence, the General Court, being in session, arraigned both of them. After they had banished him for expressions in his sermon, which they construed as promotive of insurrection, they summoned her to answer. With accustomed ability she sustained a long and searching trial. Peters, as one of a committee, who waited on her to learn the principles, she really cherished, was an important witness. He stated his lothfulness to testify, unless required by the Court. On the Governor's intimation, that he should proceed, he remark- ed " We shall give you a fair account of what was said, and desire that we may not be thought informers against the gentle- woman." He went on to relate, that he and others called on Mr. Cotton concerning the reports of what Mrs. Hutchinson had said about the Elders. " So going on in the discourse, we thought it good to send for this gentlewoman, and she willingly came. I did then take upon me to ask her this question : What difference do you conceive to be between your Teacher and us ? She answered that he preaches the covenant of grace and you the covenant of works, and you know no more than the Apostles did before the resurrection of Christ." She made some expla- nations, but they did not satisfy the Court. The conclusion was, that this Body felt themselves called to decide, that she should be banished from their jurisdiction, so soon as the weather would permit. The reason for such painful severity was stated by Winthrop ; as to her and some of her prominent supporters, " the General Court finding, upon consultation, that two so opposite parties could not contain (continue) in the same body, without apparent hazard of ruin to the whole, agreed to send away some of the principal."
[To he continued.']
1851.1 Stoddard' 8 Journal. 21
STODDARD'S JOURNAL.
The following important document has not, it is believed, been before printed. Even that it existed was probably known but to few. It has been furnished for the Register by Sylvester Judd, Esq., of Northampton, accompanied by a letter containing some valuable notes relative to it, which will be found of much inter- est, both in a genealogical and historical point of view. The other introductory matter which follows will be found duly cred- ited. It may be proper to remark that the journal is printed from the original manuscript, which Mr. Judd observes, is in the hand- writing of Capt. Stoddard.
Mr. Judd, in his letter, remarks ; — * " You will notice in it, many times, the name of Madam Le Beau. This woman was a daughter of Richard Otis, of Dover, N. H. He was killed there when that place was destroyed [by the Indians] in 1689, and his wife and this [then] infant daughter were carried to Canada. The daughter remained in Canada until 1714, when she returned [to New England] with Messrs. Stoddard and Williams. She had married a Frenchman and had two or three children, but he died about 1713. She was not permitted to bring her children with her. About 1715, she married Capt. Thomas Baker, a native of Northampton, and they resided in Brookfield until 1733, when they removed to Dover. Their descendants are many in that vicinity, as I am informed. Among them is Hon. John Wentworth, Member of Congress, from Illinois. She seems to have been named Christine by the French, but after she returned and married, she is named Margaret here [at Northamp- ton] and at Brookfield ; yet it is said that she wrote her name Christine after she removed to Dover. I presume that Margaret was her* original name at Dover ; I notice that she had an aunt Margaret.
" This Mrs. Baker alias Madam Le Beau, alias — ? — Otis, is the woman whose change from the Romish to the Protestant faith, brought forth a letter from a Priest, and a reply from Gov- ernor Burnet. These are extant in print*
" Capt. Thomas Baker, a son of Timothy Baker, of Northamp- ton, and a grandson of Edward Baker, of Lynn, went with Messrs. Stoddard and Williams to Canada, and his name appears several times in the Journal. He had been a captive among the Indians, having been taken at Deerfield, on the 29th of February, 1704, and carried to Canada, but from whom he contrived to escape in 1705. In April, 1712, he, at the head of thirty-two men, went up the Connecticut, and turning towards the Merrimack, surprised a party of Indians near the confluence of a stream, since called Baker's river, and the Pemigewasset, and killed one, two, or more of them, and took considerable plun-
=* Concerning this lady, her captivity, descendants, and singular fortune, we under- stand Mr. Horatio N. Otis is preparing to give an account.
3
22 Stoddard's Journal. [Jan.
der. They then came down through the woods to Dunstable, and to Boston, to get pay for their exploit, as may be seen by the Journal of the General Court. An account of this affair is published in the New Hampshire Historical Collections [by Farmer and Moore, Vol. I, page 127, and Vol. III., page 100,] but the exploit is erroneously placed "about the year 1720 ;" at least, it is so placed in a note to a recent edition of Penhallow's* History, which is credited to the N. H. Collections.
" John Carter, mentioned in the Journal, was a son of Samuel Carter, of Deerfield, and was taken on the 29th of February, 1704. He never returned.
" William Boltwood, whose death is mentioned in the last para- graph, was a son of Samuel Boltwood, of Hadley. His father and his brother Robert were both slain in the fight in Deerfield meadow, on the same day. It is not known when William was taken and carried to Canada.
" Ebenezer Nims, mentioned in the Journal, was taken at Deer- field, 29th of February, 1704, also Ebenezer Stebbins."
It may not be thought improper, in this connection, to give a brief account of Capt. Stoddard, therefore the following brief extract concerning him is taken from Dr. Dwight's " Travels in New England," &c, which will be found in the first volume, commencing on page 331.
" The Hon. John Stoddard was son of the Rev. Solomon Stod- dard, second minister of Northampton, and was born about the year 1681 ; and was educated, as his father had been, at Harvard College. As he was of a grave, reserved disposition, he was not believed to possess any peculiar talents, until he began to appear in public life. From that time he grew rapidly into high estima- tion. In the year 1713, he was sent as a Commissary to Quebec, to negotiate the redemption of prisoners taken from New Eng- land. This delicate and very important commission he executed in such a manner, as to recommend himself highly to the Gover- nor of Canada, and to produce a general satisfaction throughout his own country. His influence, derived from his unquestionable integrity, from patriotism, and pre-eminent wisdom, was, for many years, without a rival in his native province. Governor Hutchinson says, that " he shone only in great affairs ;" while " inferior matters were frequently carried against his mind by the little arts and crafts of minute Politicians, which he disdained to defeat by counter-working." His political principles were con-
* Penhallow's " History of the Wars of New England with the Eastern Indians," &c., referred to above as ';a recent edition," is that reprint of it, with notes, by the N. IL Historical Society. It is the first article in the first volume. And here it may be well to state, that much confusion and perplexity has been experienced from refer- ences to the " N. H. Hist. Cols.," which may be avoided by considering that there are two distinct sets of those Collections. The first, in order of time, is that by Farmer Sr Moore, consisting of three volumes ; and that by the New Hampshire Historical Society, extending now to six volumes. Though often referred to as though there were but one set or series, yet the titles are very different. That by Farmer 8f Moore is entitled " Collections, Historical and Miscellaneous" &c., and that by the N.H. Historical Society, " Collections of the N. II. Historical /Society,'" &c. — Editor.
1851.] Stoddard's Journal. 23
sidered by some persons as too rigid. Yet, as the same respect- able writer observes, " few men have been more generally esteemed. No man in Massachusetts Bay, possessed the same weight of character during the last twenty years of his life ; and it may be said, almost literally, that * after Jam men spake not again.' The following anecdote strongly illustrates the truth of these observations. Once, when Governor Shirley had a party dining with him, a servant came into the room, and informed the Governor that a gentleman at the gate wished to speak with him. ' Ask the gentleman to come in,' said the Governor. ' I did, sir,' said the servant, ' but he said that he could not stay.' The company were not a little surprised, nor less indignant, at behavior, which they thought so disrespectful to the Chief Mag- istrate. ' What is the gentleman's name ? ' said the Governor. 1 I think he told, me,' said the servant, i that his name was Stod- dard.' * Is it ? ' said the Governor. ' Excuse me, gentlemen ; if it is Colonel Stoddard, I must go to him.' Probably no man understood equally well the affairs and interests of the Colonies ; particularly of Massachusetts Bay. In his native town, and county, he was greatly beloved, both for his public and private virtues ; particularly for his piety and beneficence. The civil and military concerns of this County, then a frontier, were for a long time under his supreme control ; and were managed with admir- able skill and success. Once he was very near being killed by an ambush of savages, who lay in wait for him at a farm which he had about a mile west of Northampton. One of his laborers was, I believe, slain ; but he, with the rest, escaped. He died at Boston, June the 19th, 1748, in the 67th year of his age. In a sermon which President Edwards preached on his death, a very high and honorable character is given of him."
Before commencing the " Journal " it is proposed to give a genealogical sketch of the ancestors of Capt. Stoddard, from the original emigrant down to him, and also a brief account of his immediate family. For this part of our introductory matter we are mainly indebted to " A Genealogy of the Family of Anthony Stoddard, of Boston," printed in 1849 ; but for whom or by whom, the work itself does not inform its reader.
(1) Anthony Stoddard1* came to New England in 1639 and settled in Boston, where he d. 15 Mar. 1686 — 7. He m. 1st. Mary, dau. of Emanuel Downing, of Salem, sister of Sir George Downing, by whom he had three sons. He m. 2d. Barbara, widow of Capt. Joseph Weld, of Roxbury, by whom he had two
children. She died about 1654, and he m. 3d. Christian ,
about 1655, and had by her nine children, in all fourteen children. Those whose descendants are given, follow :
(2) I. Solomon,2 b. 4 Oct. 1643, grad. H. C. 1662, settled in (4)
* There was a John Stodder at Hingham in 1638, whose name, says Mr. Lin- coln, was often written Stoddard. There was living in that town, in 1736, Daniel Stoddar, aged 103 years, on the twenty-ninth of September of that year. — Old Paper.
24 Stoddard* s Journal. [Jan.
Northampton, as before stated. His wife was Mrs. Esther, widow of Rev. Eleazer Mather, his predecessor in the ministry at Northampton, who was dau. of the Rev. John Wareham, of Windsor, Ct. He died 11 Feb., 1729, m. 86, and his wife, 10 Feb. 1736, 8B. 92.
(3) Samson2 b. 3 Dec. 1645. He married, but the name of his wife does not appear. By her he had one son, Samson, who grad. H. C. 1701, was a minister, and settled in Chelmsford. This son likewise had a son, Samson, who grad. H. C. 1730, and he had two sons, Samson, who grad. H. C. 1763, and Vryling, who grad. H. C. 1765, and three daus., one of whom m.
Wilder, one White, and one Rev. Dr. Hopkins, of Hadley.
(4) Simeon2 b. about 1650. He was thrice married. The name (13) of his 1st. wife, by whom he had all his children, is not given in the genealogy. Her death is recorded, 13 Aug. 1708. He m. 2d. Elizabeth, widow of Col. Samuel Shrimjdon, 31 May, 1709, who d. 13 April, 1713. His 3d. and last wife was Mehitable, widow of Hon. Peter Sargent, and neiece of Gov. Stoughton. This is according to the printed genealogy, but in a notice of her death published in a paper of the time, it is stated that she died 23 Sept., 1738, and that she was " mother to the Rev. Mr. Cooper, one of the ministers of Boston."
The death of Mr. Stoddard is thus noticed in the papers : " On Thursday morning last, [15 Oct., 1730,] died here [in Bos- ton,] the Honorable Simeon Stoddard, Esquire, formerly of His Majesty's Council of this Province, in the 80th year of his age." Solomon2 (2) who m. widow Esther Mather, had,
(5) I. Mary*, b. 9 Jan. 1671, m. 2 Oct., 1695, Rev. Stephen Mix, who grad. H. C. 1690, and was a minister at Wethers- field, Ct.
(6) II. Esther3, b. 2 June, 1672, d. 19 June, 1770. She m. Rev.
Timothy Edwards, minister in East Windsor, Ct.
(7) III. Samuel3, b. 5 Feb., 1674, d. 22 Mar. 1674.
(8) IV. Anthony3, b. 6 June, 1675, d. 7 June, 1675.
(9) V. Aaron3, b. 23 Aug. 1676, d. 23 Aug., 1676.
(10) VI. Christina3, b. 23 Aug. 1676, d. 23 April, 1764. She m. Rev. William Williams, minister of Hatfield.
(11) VII. Anthony3 b. 9 Aug., 1678, d. 6 Sept., 1760. He grad. (18) H. C, 1697, was a preacher in Woodbury, Ct., 60 years.
His 1st. wife was Prudence Wells, whom he m. in 1701. She d. in May, 1714. He m. 2d. Mary Sherman, 31 Jan., who d. 12 Jan., 1720. He had 11 children.
(12) VIII. Sarah3, b. 1 April, 1680, m. Rev. Samuel Whitman, minister at Farmington, Ct. They had a dau. Sarah, m. to Rev. J. Trumbull; Elizabeth, m. to Rev. Thomas Strong, of New Marlborough ; and 3 sons.
(13) IX. John3, b. 17 Feb., 1682, d. 19 June, 1748. This is the gentleman who was the author of the "JOURNAL." He m. Prudence Chester, of Wethersfield, Ct., 13 Dec, 1713. She was b. 4 March, 1699, d. 11 Sept., 1780, ae. 81.
1851.] Stoddard1 s Journal. 25
Simeon2 (4) who had for his 2d, wife, the widow Shrimpton, had,
(14) I. Mary3, b. 20 May, 1676.
(15) II. Anthony3 b. 24 Sept., 1678, grad. H. C, 1697 ; " applied himself to merchandize ; went to England in 1701, and re- turned the next spring. In May, 1705, he m. Mrs. [Miss] Martha Belcher, youngest dau. of Hon. Andrew Belcher, Esq., and sister of Governor [Jonathan] Belcher. He d. here on Friday, March 11th, 1748, and she d. on the same day of the month forego- ing."— Boston Gazette, 15th, and 22 March, 1748. Their children were Martha, Simeon, grad. H. C, 1726, and Anthony.
(16) III. Elizabeth3 b. 15 Feb., 1680, d. 25 June, 1757, 33. 77.
(17) IV. Simeon3, b. 20 Oct., 1682, murdered in England, in 1706.
(18) V. David3, b. 5 Dec. 1685, m. Elizabeth, grand-dau. of Col. Samuel Shrimpton, 23 Dec. 1713. His dau. Sarah, m. Elder
Thomas Grreenough ; Mehitabel, m. William Hyslop, Mary, m. Rev. Charles Ghauncey, D. D.
Of the other children of the family of (Simeon2 (4) ) we have not the particulars.
Anthony3 who m. Prudence Wells, had,
(19) I. Mary* b. 19 June, 1702.
(20) II. Solomon4 b. 12 Oct., 1703, d. at Woodbury, " of the Great Fever," 23 May, 1727.
(21) III. Eliakim4, b. 3 April, 1705, m. Joanna Curtis, resided in Woobury, d. 1750.
(22) IV. Elisha4, b. 24 Nov., 1706, m. Rebekah Sherman, d. in Woodbury, 1766.
(23) V. Israel4, b. 7 Aug. 1708, d. 30 May, 1727,
(24) VI. John4, b. 2 March, 1710.
(25) VII. Prudence4, b. 12 October, 1711.
(26) VIII. Gideon4, b. 27 May, 1714, m. Olive Curtis, 1734, re- sided in Woodbury.
(27) IX. Esther4, b. 11 Oct., 1716, m. Preserved Strong, and had children, Solomon, John, Uriel, Anthony, and Esther.
(28) X. Abijah4, b. 28 Feb., 1718, m. Eunice Curtis, 4 April, 1739, resided in Woodbury.
(29) XL Elizabeth4, b. 15 Nov., 1719, m. Daniel Munn ; had one child, Elizabeth*, m. to Lewis Beers.
John3 (13) of Northampton, Colonel, &c, who m. Prudence Chester hnd
(30) Mary4 b. 27' Nov., 1732, d. 12 July, 1812, in her 80th year. She m. Col. John Worthington, of Springfield. He was a
grad. of Yale, 1740, high sheriff previous to the American Revo- lution. She was his 2d. wife.
(31) II. Prudence4, b. 28 May, 1734, m. Ezekiel Williams, of Wethersfield, Ct., 6 Nov., 1760. He was many years High
Sheriff for the County of Hartford. Their dau. Emily, m. Sam- uel W. Williams, who grad. Yale, 1772, and 6 daus. and 4 sons ; their son, John, grad. Yale, 1781, m. Sophia Worthington ; dau. Harriet, m. Rev. Dr. Parsons, minister of Amherst, Mass.; Ezekiel grad. Yale, 1785, m. Abigail Ellsworth, of Windsor ; dau. Pru-
3*
26 Stoddard's Journal. [Jan.
dence, m. Rev. Mr. Howard, of Springfield ; Mary m. John Salter, of Mansfield, a grad. of Yale, 1788 ; son, Thomas Scott, grad. Yale, 1794, m. Delia Ellsworth, of Windsor, 2dly. Martha M. Coit ; son, Samuel Porter, grad. Yale, 1796, m. Mary H. Webb, and afterwards, Sarah Tyler, lived in Mansfield and afterwards in Newburyport.
(32) III. Solomon4 b. 29 May, 1736, d. 19 Dec., 1827. He grad. Yale, 1756, m. Martha Partridge, of Hatfield, 21 Nov., 1765,
by whom he had three children. She d. 20 Oct., 1772, bb. 33 ; and he m. 2d. Eunice Parsons, of Amherst ; by her he had also three children ; she d. 22 Jan., 1797. He lived in Northampton, and was for some time High Sheriff of Hampshire county.
(33) IV. Israel4, b. 28 April, 1741, d. 27 June, 1782. He grad. at Yale, 1750, m. Eunice Williams, of Hatfield, resided in Pittsfield, and was High Sheriff of Berkshire county.
(34) V. Hannah4, b. 13 October, 1742, d. 1 August, 1743.
Here it is proposed to discontinue the Genealogy, which, at some future time, it is hoped will be continued and perfected in a manner worthy of the distinguished family of Stoddard.
JOHN WILLIAMS, named in the Commission, was no other than the famous " Redeemed Captive," who, according to his able and accomplished biographer, accompanied Capt. Stoddard as Chaplain. He must have been of great service in the negotia- tions, as he had been among the enemy in the late war, and had a good knowledge of the situation of affairs, as well as localities in Canada ; and, at the same time, he doubtless was in great hopes to obtain his own daughter, still among the Indians in that country.
JOURNAL.
A Journal of a Negotiation between the Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor- General of Canada, and John Stoddard and John Williams, Messen- gers, commissioned by His Excellency, Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain- General and Governor of Her Majesty's Government of the Massachu- setts, Sfc, in New England.
Having received our letters Credential, our Passport and Instructions, we departed from Boston, November 5, 1713, and on the 9 th we came to N. Hampton. On the 13th we set forward towards Albany, taking with us Capt. Thomas Baker, and Martin Kellog, our Interpreter, and two other attendants, viz : Eleazer Warner, and Jonathan Smith. The same day we came to Westfield. The 14th, we took with us two other men for our guides to Albany, and to bring back our horses, and travelled about thirty miles. 15th we arrived at Kenderhook, and the 16th at Albany, where we were treated with great courtesy. 17th, the Commissioners met, and assured us they would afford all possible assistance. The river being full of ice, it was judged best to send for some active Indians, and propose to them whether they would undertake to provide us with canoes at the Lake Champlain, or at the Lake Point Sacrament, and thence to convey us safe to Canada, but on the 18th we were informed of two friendly Indians bound for Canada, that had with them a large canoe, and in probability were shut up about forty or fifty miles above Albany, so
1851.] Stoddard's Journal 27
we, according to our advice, sent our Interpreter and a Dutchman to call them back. They went from Albany the 19th, in the morning, when it proved moist and warm weather, and there was a prospect that the river would clear itself of ice. 21st, the men returned without finding the Indians, giving an account that the ice rendered the river impassable. The 23d, the Commissioners met and determined that the journey was at present impracticable. 24th, we sent back our horses. 27th, the Com- missioners met and hired an Indian to be one of our guides to Canada ; he indented with another to accompany him, which Indians were ordered to Woodcreek to hunt for provisions, and to bring us an account what condition the Lake was in.
We being informed that Hendrick (the chief of the Cahnainghas,) had great influence on the Cagnawaga Indians, and was likely to be very serviceable to our design, therefore, according to our advice from Col. Schuyler, we sent for him (on the 25th December,) and agreed with him to go with us, he having satisfied us that he would improve his interest for the deliverance of our English prisoners at Cagnawaga. We thought to have undertaken our journey by the 31st, but the weather for many days proving very soft, that the ice in many places brake through, so that we were necessitated to defer our journey. January 11th, it proved cold, but soon after very soft weather again. 13th, Apawmet, one of our guides, returned and acquainted us that he was informed by five several Indians that the Lake was not frozen, and that on the river there was much water, and depth of snow upon it, and the ice very defective. 15th, the Com- missioners met, and thought it not advisable for us to take our journey, but that we should tarry ten days, unless the weather should greatly favor us. 22d, we set from Albany, several Gentlemen accompanying us. We went that day to Col. John Schuyler's farm, about nine miles from Albany. 23d, we went to Scautacook and four miles beyond — day's journey, eighteen miles. 24th, we passed Saratoga five miles — day's journey, fourteen miles. On the latter part of the day it snowed hard. 25th, we lay still, and so on the 26th, till noon, then travelled ten miles, passing Fort Nicholson one mile. 27th, we passed Fort Anne four miles — day's travel, fifteen miles. 28th, we travelled down Woodcreek and seven miles on the drowned lands — day's travel, nineteen miles. 29th, we lay still, it having snowed most of the day before and part of this. 30th, we marched in snow shoes, arrived at Kenderover, eighteen miles. 31st, we passed Cryn Point about four miles — day's travel, twenty miles. February 1st, we lay still. 2d, we marched about twelve miles, and then found the Lake open ; thence we were necessitated to travel by land, and cross bays — day's travel, fifteen miles. 3d, we marched fifteen miles* 4th, we travelled about fourteen miles, and then took the Lake about three miles from Wenoskeek, and thence marched between the Great Island and the East shore — day's travel, twenty miles. 5th, we lay still. It snowed hard all day. 6th, we travelled twenty miles. 7th, we travelled twenty miles. 8th, we travelled twenty-four miles and came to Chamblee. 9th, Mr. Longuille sent a carryall for us, which carried us to Montreal. We tarried there 10th and 11th. Mr. Longuille provided for us two carryalls, in which Mr. Williams and I, with our Interpreter and one man more, set forward toward Quebec, on the 12th, having left our other men at Montreal. That day we passed Longuille, Port de Tram- ble, Long Point, De Arpontice, and lodged at Le Voltre, called nine leagues. 13th, we almost passed the Lake St. Francis ; — went thirteen leagues. The 14th, we passed Trois Rivers, Champlain, Babiscant, and lodged at St. Anns, twelve leagues. 14th, we passed Plattoon, and
28 Stoddard's Journal. [Jan.
lodged at Point De Tramble, thirteen leagues. 1 6th, we arrived at Que- bec, seven leagues. We waited on the Governor and Lord Intendant, and then retired to our lodging. 17th, the weather being extremely bois- terous, we went not out till afternoon ; then waited on Mr. De Vaudreuil, showed our commission, delivered our letters, and said that the war, long since commenced, and for many years continued, between Her Britanic Majesty and the most Christian King, was at length happily terminated by the conclusion of a peace between these two Crowns, in the articles of which peace, it is stipulated and agreed, that all persons taken in war, without distinction, should be discharged and set at liberty ; during which war, divers persons have been taken from the several governments in New England, and some from the adjacent parts, and brought hither by the French or Indians, which, according to the Articles, ought to be set at liberty ; and not only so, but, at the motion of Her Britanic Majesty, the King of France did, during the time of war, give order for the release of divers prisoners named in a list enclosed in the King's letter, and that his Excellency, Governor Dudley, had appointed Mr. Williams and my- self, and given us his letters Credential, with orders to demand all prison- ers whomsoever ; and his Lordship was a man of that honor and justice, that we assured ourselves he would readily comply with our demand, and whatsoever we should afterwards reasonably challenge.
Governor Vaudreuil assured as that all prisoners should have free lib- erty to return — and that those that wrould go should have his blessing — and that we might use all freedom with them — and that we might go to them, or send for them to our lodging — and that we should have free speech with the religious. 19th, the Governor told us that he understood that a French Gentleman had hid an English boy, which he ordered to be brought back again. 21st, we sent the following letter by our Inter- preter :
Quebec, February 21, 1713.
Sir — We cannot (without injustice,) neglect the acknowledgment of the honor and respect that hath been shown us by all the King's Officers since our arrival in this country, and particularly the good treatment we have had since we have had the honor to wait on your Lordship, who we find a man of that honor and justice, as highly to deserve the good character you have obtained, and whose goodness hath made such an impression upon us that we shall always reflect thereupon with valuable thoughts of your person. But there are some of your people, which, (we think) ought to be laid under some restraint. One of the laity told us (this day) that he would do whatever he could to prevent a certain prisoner's return. There are likewise some priests, who, not being content with the endeavors they have used with the prisoners for many years during the war, do now make it their business to go from house to house to solicit our people to tarry in this country. Some they endeavor to terrify by suggesting their danger of perdition ; some they threaten to take from them their effects, wives, and children ; which practice of theirs appears to us as barbarous and inhuman, and like that which was very highly resented by the Governor (if we mistake not the place) of the Castle of Denand, who, upon the complaint of a British Officer, that the Priest did practice with the prison- ers to proselyte them, the Governor did thereupon reprimand him, and threaten him with severity, in case he ever did the like, thinking it enough for the people to suffer imprisonment, and not to be vexed and dis- quieted about their religion. We doubt not but your lordship will pre-
1851.] Stoddard's Journal 29
vent such injuries, especially since it is taking away that liberty and free- dom which the King expects should be given, and is inconsistent with that candor and sincerity which his Majesty would have manifested.
From your Lordship's most humble servants,
J. S.
J. w.
To the Marquis de Vaudreuil.
The next day, Mr. Vaudreuil told us that he could as easily alter the course of the waters as prevent the priests endeavors. 23d, we visited some English nuns, who we found well pleased with their present circum- stances. 24th, the Governor sent for us, and when we came to his house we found the Lord Intendant with him. He proposed that he would, at his charge, send our prisoners to Annapolis, or some adjacent place. We answered, that our Master only must resolve that point, lie likewise told us that there was a considerable number of English people that the King (after divers objections) had naturalized ; therefore they could not have liberty to return — which we afterwards found to be eighty-four in number. We answered, that it was altogether new to us, therefore we demanded a copy of the naturalization, and time to answer. We further demanded that those under age should be compelled to return, which he readily promised. He likewise notified us that there was a prohibition of all trade with New England. The next day we sent another letter by our Interpreter.
Quebec, February 25, 1713.
Sir — Your Lordship was pleased (yesterday) to inform us that the King of France had naturalized divers English prisoners, therefore they could not have liberty to return ; upon which we say that Mr. Dudley and Nicholson were not apprized of that matter, and so could not instruct us therein ; but, for the present, we answer, that the denying those per- sons their liberty would not be just or reasonable, for which we offer — (1.) That it would be inconsistent with the King's good intention of respect and friendship to the Queen, who, to gratify Her Majesty, did, (during the war,) comply with her desire to set at liberty all her subjects (brought hither in war,) that he could obtain the name of. (2.) It is con- trary to the King's especial command, inasmuch as divers of those who are said to be naturalized are named amongst those that the King orders to be set at liberty. (3.) It is contrary to the Articles of Peace, inas- much as all those taken in war, without distinction, are thereby set at lib- erty. (4.) We remember that your Excellency hath (divers times) said that you did not care how few staid in this country, and the fewer the better. Now, your proposal of staying near a hundred persons, under the pretext of naturalization, seems very inconsistent with that freedom you seemed to manifest for their departure. We assure ourselves that what we have said on this point is altogether sufficient, if it were not we should offer something further. We pray your answer.
From your Lordship's most humble servants,
J. S.
To the Marquis de Vaudreuil. J. W.
27th, we set forward towards Montreal. March 3d, we arrived there. 4th, Governor Vaudreuil arrived also. 5th, we had a conference with Mr. Vaudreuil, at which we told him, that, at our first conference, he pre- tended great willingness for our people's return, but since that he objected against the return of a great number, under pretence of naturalization,
30 Stoddard's Journal. [Jan.
and now "\ve expected they would lay all the stumbling blocks they could in our way, and we desired to know what we might expect ; and if his design was not to suffer us to carry any of our people with us, that he would let us know it, that we might not be obliged to tarry to no purpose. He answered, that he would evidence that he was sincere in his preten- sions, but was afraid to release those that were naturalized, but would write to the King, which letter we should see. We answered, that would be but a delaying of us, and a disobeying of the King's orders ; however, if he was resolute in that matter, one of us would carry his letters to the King. We offered to prove that naturality to be but a fraud and deceit. He replied, he thought it to be so, and, at length said, we might send such persons down below Quebec, and take them on shipboard as we fell down the river, and that he would never send after them. Then we demanded that men and women might not be entangled by their mar- riages, and parents with their children. He conceded that French women might have liberty to go with their English husbands, and that English women should not be compelled to stay with their French husbands, but as to that Article of the Children, he must take some time to consider of it. 13th, Governor Vauderuil sent us word that he did not approve of those persons coming to divine service who had embraced the Romish Religion. The loth, we sent the following letter :
Montreal, March 15, 1713-4.
Sir — At our first conference your Lordship did manifest a good and generous spirit (well becoming your character and station,) when you readily complied with our general demand of all English prisoners, and when you assured us that you would, with cheerfulness, part with all our English Prisoners, and that the insinuations of the religious, or others, should not be sufficient to prevent our utmost freedom with our people, or to impede their return, which good resolution we did divers times after- wards observe. Yet, if we should admit thoughts of jealousy or suspicion of your sincerity, we should stumble at the consideration of that strange objection of naturalization, and at the prohibition of our peoples being present at our divine service, and some other things that have fallen under our observation. Although those things have been countenanced by your Lordship, yet we know they had their original elsewhere. Such things as those are apparent by little artifices of such as are ill-affected toward that affair which is committed to our management. We have two or three demands further to make the next time we attend your Lordship. Your compliance therein will sufficiently evidence your sincerity, and that you are guided by reason and principles of justice, and not by the sug- gestions of others.
From your Lordship's most humble servants,
J. S.
To the Marquis de Vaudreuil. J. W.
We proposed not farther to pursue those things at present, but by that letter we thought to dispose him more willingly to comply with what we should ask the next day, which we accounted would be most servicable to us. Accordingly, on the 16th, we demanded of him that all the English Prisoners should be gathered to Quebec, there to give their answer whether they would return or not (presuming that when they were gotten from the Priests, their acquaintance, and should see others ready to em- bark, they would easily be persuaded to go with them ;) which took its effect ; the Governor promising that he would cause all to be assembled
1851.] Stoddard's Journal. 31
there, except some few married persons, who we might certainly know beforehand that they would not go home. We further demanded a reso- lution to our former proposal, referring to children born of parents during their imprisonment. The Governor told us he knew not what to deter- mine, but desired to know what Governor Dudley should say concerning the practice in other countries, and his reasons why they should not be held as subjects to the King of France ; so we offered our opinion and reasons for it, and left the matter for the present. We further demanded a list of all English persons in the country, we not being able to obtain their names ourselves ; which list he promised to procure. 20th, Gover- nor Vaudreuil sent us word that he would not allow any English to visit us on the Sabbath. We went to him and wrangled long about that mat- ter, and urged, that throughout the whole country, that was the principal day for all persons to visit, and that many had not an opportunity to go abroad on other days. We also added divers other things, but at last found his fixed resolution more forcible than our arguments. On the 26th, we wrote the following letter :
Montreal, March 26, 1714.
Sir — We find it very inconvenient speaking by an Interpreter, there- fore we choose sometimes to write our opinion that you may at leisure consider our proposals.
Your Lordship (the other day) proposed that we should write to his Excellency, Governor Dudley, that he would set forth what was the usage in Europe concerning children born during the imprisonment of their parents, which we propose to do. But, in the meantime, divers difficulties arise from our not being resolved in that point ; we do therefore tender our thoughts which are so apparently reasonable, that we doubt not of your concurrence therein.
There is a twofold right to all, (1.) Princes may challenge a right, which right does not accrue to them, neither by their being begotten or born within their dominions, but is determined by the right they have to their parents ; for if any on an embassy or on their particular business, carry with them their wives, or, being prisoners of war, happen to have children born within the dominions of another King, those children do not become subjects of another Prince, but of him whose subjects their par- ents were ; so that concerning them there can arise no difficulty ; — and as to those whose parents are, the one a subject to one Prince, and the other a subject to another — either he to whom the father is subject may challenge all the children, or he to whom the mother is in subjection, or each Prince may challenge one moiety, and it matters not much which of the three you choose. There is likewise a right which parents by nature have to their own children, and in case one of the parents be subject to the crown of France, and the other subject to the crown of Great Bri- tain, yet if they will both agree that all their children shall abide in this country, or that they shall all go to New England, we see no great diffi- culty in conceding to it ; but if they cannot agree, let them be divided according to the King's right. But it comes much to one and the same thing, whether it be left to the resolution of the parents or be determined according to the King's right.
From your Lordship's most humble servants,
J. S.
To the Marquis de Vaudreuil. J. W.
29th, we had further discourse about such as were begotten by, or born of English parents, but could not obtain a full answer. We demanded
32 Stoddard's Journal. [Jan.
subsistence, for our Prisoners in their return, both by land and sea, which was complied with.
We acquainted Mr. Vaudreuil of our purpose to send home some pris- oners by land. He told us that if any would come and say before him that they would go home, he would permit their return. We further demanded that John Carter (who lived at considerable distance) might be sent for ; and when he came, on April 1st, the Governor sent for us to his house, where we found Carter, who (although he had often told us that he would go home, and desired that he might take the first opportunity to go by land, now contrarywise,) declared that he would abide in this country. We then desired (of Mr. Vaudreuil) liberty of speech with him at our chamber, which the Governor unwillingly consented to. After some dis- course with Carter, he told us that he would go before Governor Vau- dreuil and say that he would go home, which he did ; at which the Governor was greatly enraged, and, after some rough expressions, said, that he should not go home at present, but should wait the arrival of our ship, and see whether he continued his resolution. 4th, we sent away Capt. Baker with letters to Governor Dudley, and with him three English Prisoners, to go by the way of Albany, having a Frenchman for a guide, and to bring back their canoe. We afterwards took an English Prisoner to our chamber who declined to return by sea. We desired of Mr. Vaudreuil that he might return by Albany, which he allowed, but would not subsist him, saying that he was ordered to send the Prisoners by sea, and therefore he would not subsist them by land. 28th April, the Lord Intendant arrived at Montreal. 30th, we made a second demand of a list of all English Prisoners in the country, with an account where and with whom they lived, which the Governor did again promise to procure. 3d May, we, knowing that the Governor had some dependance on the Lord Intendant for information concerning the usage in Europe, respect- ing children born of parents in imprisonment, we offered to his Lordship our reasons why they should be accounted subjects of the Queen. He readily assented that those who were Prisoners of War, their children ought likewise to be accounted, but instanced in some who had been Pris- oners in England, who were denied liberty of returning because they had married there, and thereby became subjects of the Crown of England. We likewise perceived by his discourse, that those taken in the former war were not by him thought to be prisoners.
We further discoursed about the act of naturalization, and particularly demanded his opinion in that matter ; — supposing it did appear that those persons had not actually demanded the naturalization, whether the Act ought to impede their return. He answered, no ; for the King did not pretend to bestow privileges on men in spite of them, and that there ought to be no indirect methods taken to stay our people. 5th, we attended Governor Vaudreuil, and demanded that care might be taken that our people, with the Indians, might be brought out of the woods, and those at home not suffered to absent themselves, which was readily complied with. We likewise desired the Governor to inform himself concerning children born of Prisoners, that we might proceed in our business as far as we were capable before we should receive further instructions from home. The same day, we waited on the Lord Intendant, and represented to him the ill circumstances of our poor people with the Indians, and desired him to use his interest on their behalf, which he told us he would do. He afterwards told us that there had been complaint made to him that we had been abroad after eight of the clock in the evening, and that we preached religion to our people ; and, after a little pleasant discourse,
1851.] Stoddard's Journal. 33
we found him to be in earnest ; telling us that in case two persons should testify that we preached to them he would confine us to our chamber. We replied that we were sent hither to regain our prisoners, and should use all proper means therefor ; and since they had been long in this coun- try, and all possible endeavors used with them to persuade them to embrace another religion, with which they were infatuated, no man could suppose it reasonable that we should be prohibited liberty to use means to undeceive them ; and further, we told him that our orders were to Mr. De Vaudreuil, who we supposed to be the governor of the country, and that such matters were to be determined by him, and that he had given liberty for such discourse. He said that he had the charge of the policy, and had particular orders from the king to prevent such practice, it being con- trary to law, and if we persisted therein, he would complain to the king. We answered, that it would be very pleasing to us that the king should be perfectly acquainted with all the transactions, touching our affairs in this country ; and as to the law which he mentioned, we said that such laws were made for the regulation of particular kingdoms, but public affairs that concerned divers nations, were to be governed and regulated by the civil law, which did no more disallow of speaking of religious matters to our prisoners than to exercise religion amongst ourselves. He told us that we had not instructions to discourse religion with our people, for Governor Dudley had written no such thing to Mr. Vaudreuil. We replied, that he had not written anything about the prisoners' parents, brethren, lands, &c, yet it did not follow from thence that he had not instructed us to acquaint them with those things ; and several other things of like nature passed, so that, finding his talk somewhat insipid, he desisted — only telling us that the priests had informed him that we, in a moment, undid all they had done in seven years' endeavors to establish our people in their religion. After this treatment, we declined visiting the Lord Intendant for many days. 14th, Mr. Junceur, by the Govern- ment order, discoursed with Mr. Williams' daughter, and with her Indian relations, who said they would leave her to act her liberty respecting her return. The Governor promised that if her relations would consent he would compel hereto return, loth — To prevent after-disputes, we read to Governor Vaudreuil the chief particulars which he had formerly prom- ised to us, viz : (1.) That we should use all freedom of speech with the English people in this country. (2.) That all English persons taken in war and brought into this country, should have free liberty to return. (3.) That all those under age should be compelled. (4.) That we might pri- vately take away those that were naturalized. (5.) That French women might go with their English husbands, and English women should not be compelled to tarry with their French husbands. (6.) That he would gather all the English people to Quebec, there to resolve whether to return or not, except some few married persons, who we might certainly know that they would not return. (7.) That he would subsist our people in their return. (8.) That those children whose parents were both Eng- lish should be accounted ours, but the matter respecting others, was left undetermined. These particulars he again consented to, only objected something against the return of those that were naturalized, and those that were born in the country. We intimated to the Governor our resentment of the Lord Intendant's behaviour toward us. We found our faulting him pleasing enough to Mr. Vaudreuil, who talked that our affairs should in no wise be determined by him. 17th, We sent two men to Bushervil and Point de Tramble, who returned the 18th, and informed that Eben Stebbins and John Castor (who so often pretended that they 4
84 Stoddard1 s Journal. [Jan.
would go home) were not likely to return. 29th, We went to Cagnawaga, to visit the natives and the prisoners with them, which we found rather worse than the Indians. 30th, We understanding that some of the chiefs of Cagnawaga were going abroad, we desired that we might have a conference with them ; and accordingly, Mr. Vaudreuil sent for them, who, on June 2d, came to our chamber, and, after compliments made and returned, we went to Mr. Yaudreuil's. Thither came two of the Jesuits of Cagnawaga, and divers other gentlemen. The Governor spake to them to encourage them to restore us our people. The chief speaker, (contrary to the usual custom, viz., without speaking one word to each other,) rose up and said that those taken by them were adopted into families, and not held as prisoners, but as children ; and it was not their custom to compel any to return, but should leave them to their own liberty. We thought it not proper to discourse with them before a num- ber of such people as were present, therefore desired opportunity with them at our chamber, whither we retired, and after they had stayed some time at the Governor's, they came to us. We told them that it was the custom of all nations in Europe to compel all persons in minority (as were divers prisoners with them,) and likewise gave an instance of divers French prisoners who were by the Iroquois delivered to some French gentlemen, and forcibly carried home, which Mr. Junceur, the King's Inter- preter, confirmed. We said that the reason of that practice was, that such persons had not discretion to know what was for their good. We said further, that it could be no benefit to them to detain such chil- dren, and they could not but be sensible that their parents and friends were much exercised about them, and were they under the like circum- stances, they would desire the like of us. Further, if they would deliver them to us, it would be pleasing to the Queen of Great Britain and the King of France, to the Governor of Boston and the Governor of Canada. After all they said, they were sensible that it was difficult with their friends at home, yet could do no otherwise than they had said before. The 5th, we presented to the Governor the following note :
Montreal, June 3, 1714. Mr. De Vaudreuil :
Sir — We are uneasy under the present circumstances of our affairs ; therefore, for our guidance at present, and that we may be able to satisfy our masters, we desire your Lordship's particular reply to the demands following :
1st. We demand, whether the Indians in this country, who have English prisoners in their hands, are subjects ta the King of France, or whether we must treat with them as a free people.
2d. If they are subjects, we demand that all prisoners, in minority, that are in their hands (of which there are many) might be compelled to return, as well as those in the hands of the French.
3d. That all others with the Indians, as well as those with the French, (except some few persons exempted) may, according to your Excellency's promise, be assembled at Quebec, there to give their answer whether they will return or not ; where we expect that some gentlemen from Boston will be joined with us in our negotiation.
4th. That matter respecting children born of English parents in this country being undetermined, we demand that such children may likewise be assembled at Quebec, that we may not be long delayed after the arrival of our ship from New England. It is not necessary to repeat our reasons for what we demand, but needful that we be resolved in these matters ; and
1851.] Stoddard's Journal. 35
we hope that your answers will be such as may content your humble ser- vants. . vnowAM J- 8-
The Governor pretended that he would give us an answer in writing ; but when we afterwards asked for it, he said, that if we would get it trans- lated into French, he would write us an answer, which we did, and sent it by our Interpreter, but never received his answer to that, nor to any other of our letters. We afterwards wrote the following letter :
Montreal, June 7, 1714.
Sir — Your Lordship has very often manifested an earnest desire for the deliverance of our children out of the Indians' hands, and that noth- ing should be wanting on your part for the effecting thereof. The thing is undoubtedly attainable, and lies within your reach, and if your Lord- ship will comply with the method we shall propose, we conclude that the fault will not rest on your Excellency. First, we will hint at the state of the case, and then let you know what we at present desire.
Some of the Indians, at least, have such principles of justice engraven on their minds, that they account it very reasonable that our children should be delivered into our hands, and they would willingly do it, but they are not masters ; besides your Excellency, whom they acknowledge to be the chief, they have divers others, which we suppose they stand in more fear of, who continually practice with them to prevent the return of our children. There are, likewise, a considerable number of those children who are willing to go home, but some gentlemen have taken such measures respecting them, that they dare not manifest it openly ; which practice we suppose to be no way justifiable.
That which we desire of your Lordship is, that you would, by a letter to the chiefs of Cagnawaga, (to be interpreted by Mr. Junceur) as their father, signify your sincere desire that they would deliver our people to us, which you account reasonable, and that if it be neglected, both you and they will be in danger to know the king's displeasure, and that they ought not to regard the insinuations of the clergy, or any others, to dis- suade them from a matter so highly reasonable ; hereby you will but act yourself, in acting the part of a just man in a matter so laudable.
We propose to take another journey to Cagnawaga.
Potentates Vale. From your Lordship's most humble servants,
J.S.
To the Marquis de Vaudreuil. J. W.
We had been told by Anogarista, one of the chiefs, that he would very willingly deliver an English boy he had with him, in case the Governor would give order for it, without which he dare not do it ; but the Gover- nor, being resolved that he would not use force, either with great or small, and putting us off with trivial answers, we thought it to no purpose to go to Cagnawaga, especially after we were informed by one of their chiefs that the Bishop had been there, and thanked the natives for not delivering our people to us ; and understanding, by another, that they had been taught that if they delivered them to us they would thereby be the occasion of their damnation, and Christ would be angry with them, and damn them therefor. 8th, We sent Thomas Tarball and one English prisoner, (with a letter to Governor Dudley) to return by the way of Albany. 11th, We sent one other. The same day, Mr. Vaudrueil sent us word that he would not assemble any at Quebec but such as were willing to return home, unless we would be at the charge of it. 14th, The Governor promised us
36 Stoddard's Journal. [Jan.
that if we would draw a list of such as we more especially desired should be assembled at Quebec, he would bring them thither on the arrival of our vessel, and that we might take any with us that were willing to go. 15th, We presented him with a list of those we were especially desirous should be brought thither. He thought it not worth while to take those that were not willing to go home. We told him that when we were absent the priests would prevail with almost any of our people to say they would not go home ; and if he would not promise to bring them down, we dare not go and leave them. He then said he would do in that matter what he could. 16th, The Governor informed us that he expected Mr. De Ramsey, within a day or two, and by him, orders from the king, respecting our affairs, and he thought it best to defer our journey to Que- bec till his arrival. He likewise told us that he expected to go to France within a short time, and did promise on the faith of a gentleman and of a governor, that he would do to his utmost that we might have all our pris- oners. 17th, We understanding that the Lord Intendant had ordered the goods of Madame Le Beau's husband (deceased) to be sold, and the money put into the hands of a keeper, he still delaying to make a distri- bution, we told him that she stood in need of her money for her necessary supply, and desired that a distribution might be made. He answered that she had been in this country from a child, and might not be suffered to go home. We told him that if she staid she had need of her money, and we concluded that he did not withhold her money under that con- sideration. He replied that he kept it on that very account, and to justify his actions, said that he had orders from the king, that if any per- sons were resolutely set to leave the country, he should keep their money from them. 19th, We understanding that the master of a barque was for- bidden to carry to Quebec Madam Le Beau's goods, which were put on board, we attended Governor Vaudreuil and informed him that some of our English people were going with us to Quebec, and desired that they might have liberty to put their goods on board the barque. He said that any should have liberty but Madam Le Beau. We shewed how unrea- sonable it was that she should be debarred that liberty that was due to every one. The Governor had formerly given liberty to us to take that woman in particular, but now said, she was taken in the former war, and the Articles of Peace made no mention of such. We answered that the princes did not suppose any had been detained from the former war to the end of the latter ; and that, during the peace, she was in minority ; and be- cause there was a neglect in not compelling her, it did not now become just that she should be denied the exercise of her liberty. And furthermore, she would gladly have gone home in the time of peace if she might have had opportunity. The Governor would neither consent to her going home, nor to her going to Quebec, but promised, by the faith of a gentle- man, that he would obtain the liberty of the Court of France for her return, and, if possible, it should be sent before winter. We thanked him, and told him that she was now spirited to return, and that she had been so long vexed and plagued in this country that she could be no longer easy here, and that she had sold her household goods and could not well subsist. We likewise acquainted him how she had been injured by the Lord Intendant. We complained to the Governor that the Lord In- tendant kept a poor man in prison under a notion of a crime, but on no other account but to prevent his going home. 21, We again urged that Madam Le Beau might have liberty to go home, but could obtain no farther, only the Governor promised that if he could not obtain liberty of the Court of France for her return, he would cause her to be sent home
1851.] Stoddard's Journal. 37
privately. 22d, We departed for Quebec, (taking with us seven prison- ers,) where we arrived 25th. We could hear no news of our vessel, but daily uncertain rumors, which always failed. On the 7th July, arrived Madame Le Ford from Montreal, and brought with her two English boys which she had bought of the Indians at Cagnawaga. She informed us that she agreed with the savages for the children, at Mr. De Vaudrcuil's, and that he had lent her the money to pay for them, which she had repaid him, and that the Governor had bought a girl of the Indians, with his own money. 8th, The Lord Intendant arrived at Quebec, and on the 14th came Governor Vaudreuil. 15th, We attended him, and he told us that, according to his promise, he had been at St. Francis, and discoursed with the Indians there concerning their English prisoners, who answered that there were some Indians, prisoners in the hands of the English, which they could not obtain, and that ours should not be restored till theirs were delivered to them. We replied that all prisoners in our country were set at liberty, as he saw, by the Governor's proclamation, and care taken for their return ; but those Indians had none of their people imprisoned in our country. He said that the Eastern Indians, their friends, had, and particularly Escombuit had been there to demand his son, but could not obtain him. We said, there was no heed to be taken to what the Indians said, and his Lordship could not but be sensible that if he should send hither to demand the prisoners, they would be all delivered immediately. We added, that these English at St. Francis, were taken by Indians employed in the king's service, and if they were subjects to the king, we might well expect that he should restore the prisoners to us ; but if they were not, we should not do well to demand them of him. He answered, that he looked upon them as allies, and the king must do so too — for, by force, he could not oblige the Indians to deliver their prisoners. 17th, Governor Vaudreuil told us that our Governor pretended to send a vessel to Quebec early in the spring, but although the summer was now far ad- vanced, yet it was not arrived, and therefore, he thought it best for us to return. We answered, that we were ordered to wait the coming vessel, and could not return without particular orders therefor. He then told us that we had been long in this country, and put the king upon great charge, and he should not longer subsist us ; but upon our showing a probability that our vessel was delayed by contrary winds, and that it would be here within eight or ten days, he told us that he would subsist us till then. We were preparing to send a post to New England to inform of the state of our business, and to acquaint Governor Dudley that we had no news of our vessel, but on the 19th we heard of some English being arrived at Montreal. 23d July, Capt. Baker, with four men, from New England, arrived at Quebec, by whom we received our first letters from Boston. The same day, we delivered Mr. Vaudreuil's and Mr. Bigon's letters. Capt. Baker brought with him one English prisoner from Montreal. Capt. Baker informed us that Aaron Littlefield, an English lad, (being sent for to Montreal, by Governor De Ramsey) said he would return home. Having liberty from the Governor, he supplied him with clothing, but before his departure came the priest of Bushervil (with whom he dwells) while Capt. Baker was absent, he took off the boy's clothes and prevailed with him to stay. After we had represented the matter to Governor Vaudreuil, he sent for the boy to Quebec, and kept him there some time, but it was then too late ; — the same priest (who then took the pains to come to Quebec with him) had made too thorough work with his prose- lyte. 24th, We sent a letter to Mr. Vaudreuil, who, when he received it, 4*
38 Stoddard's Journal [Jan.
manifested some discontent at our insisting on those things we had so often discoursed.
Quebec, July 24, 1714.
Sir — We may, from what we hear of the departure of our vessel from Boston, justly expect her arrival here within a few days, therefore it will be necessary that orders be forthwith given for the assembling our people who dwell in the remoter parts of this country.
Your Lordship did defer the determination of that affair respecting those that were said to have been naturalized till you received your let- ters from Messrs. Dudley and Nicholson, by whose answers, you know they are fully of opinion, that that pretence of naturalization is of no weight, and ought, by no means, to debar them of free liberty to return, and that all, universally, ought to exercise their utmost freedom.
The most Christian King hath commanded that we should see all the English prisoners in this country, to the intent we may know what they voluntarily choose. Further, on the 16th of March past, we demanded of your Lordship that all our English prisoners should be brought together at Quebec, there to determine whether they would return or not, with which your Excellency complied, and promised that they should all be brought to Quebec, except some few married persons, which we might assuredly know they would not return. Therefore, pursuant to the king's orders and your Lordship's word, we expect to see all our people here. Since the above-mentioned promise, your Lordship hath made some objec- tions respecting those with the Indians, to which we answer, that the king commands that those in the hands of the Indians, as well as those in the hands of the French, should be delivered to us ; and we know full well that your Lordship is able to effect their deliverance, and that the savages (in detaining them) do not so much act their own natural inclinations as they act by the guidance and instigation of some French gentlemen. As to the pretence that is made by those of St. Francis, it is not only frivolous, but it wants truth.
We cannot omit telling your Lordship that the priests daily practicing with many of our young and simple people, and by a sort of force constraining of them to abide in this country, is justly resented as a thing very injurious and unworthy, and not one instance can be given of such like practice in New England, during the whole war ; but they are rather helped forward and encouraged to return. We are are directed to tell your Lordship, that if any of our prisoners are forcibly detained here, on any pretence, it will be a thing that cannot be paralleled in all Europe. We can only offer our opinion and reasons. Your Lordship only, at present, hath the power to determine. You may perform what }7ou have promised us ; may execute the King's orders, or vary therefrom at your pleasure ; — none can control you. We have been long sensible that (as your Lordship hath sometimes intimated) you are kept from acting your own inclination, through fear of incurring the King's displeasure, by means of complaints that may be sent to Court against you from some particular gentlemen in this country. We are of opinion that your Lordship will be much more secure by acting conformably to the rights and usages of nations, and what will be acceptable to Her Britanic Majesty, than by doing any thing unjustifiable, in compliance with the humor of particular gentlemen ; for, undoubtedly, Her Majesty's resentment will be of worse consequence to you than the resentment of an ecclesiastic, or any other in this country ; especially when your just determinations themselves will vin- dicate you.
1851.] Stoddard's Journal. 39
We presume your Lordship will determine matters so that they shall be to the satisfaction of your most humble servants.
J. S. To the Marquis de Vaudreuil. J. W.
27th, We received a letter from Capt. Southack, dated at Tedisack. Aug. 2d, Governor De Ramsay arrived. 3d, He came to visit us at our cham- ber, where I told him, that although I had not had the honor to know him, yet, hearing of his justice, and the generosity of his spirit, and know- ing that he was lately from France, and undoubtedly was acquainted with the custom of nations, we had purposely deferred the prosecution of our business till his arrival, assuring ourselves that he would do what in him lay to move Mr. Vaudreuil to comply with our just demands ; then read to him our letters to Mr. Vaudreuil, of greatest consequence — as that concerning naturalization, and concerning children born in this country, &c, — and generally acquainting him with our business. He assured us, that although he had not the power, yet he would improve his interest, in putting forward our affairs. The same day, our brigantine arrived at Quebec. 4th, We attended Governor Vaudreuil and told him that our vessel was now before the town, and we expected the assembling of our people, to give their answer respecting their return ; and when he pre- tended that orders had been long since given, that if any in the upper part of the country were desirous to return, they should be brought thither, and that when Ave were there we had liberty of speech with them, we answered, that he gave us liberty to speak with them, but there were many that we had never opportunity to speak with, nor to see them ; and that many others had only spoken transiently with us, not pretending to give us their answer, whether to go or stay. Divers that we had seen had told us that they would return to their own country, and others were in minority and ought to be compelled. Further, the King had positively ordered that our people should be assembled, that we might know their inclination, and he had likewise promised it to us, therefore we expected to see them here. He proposed that we might send one of our people to Montreal to speak with them. We replied, that the King ordered that we, who were the Commissioners, should see them, and not that our attendants should ; and it was well known that we, who were Commis- sioners, could not go to all parts of the country where there was a prisoner, especially just upon our departure. Then he desired a list of those that were most likely to return from the upper part of the country — pretending that he would send for them — which we promised to send him. We then demanded his resolution concerning English children, born in the country, which he had not hitherto determined ; and after the matter was debated, he resolved that it must be decided by the King. He likewise continued his resolution that those that were naturalized should not be permitted to return till the King was acquainted with that matter. 5th, We sent him our list. He sent us word that he would give orders that any named in that list should have liberty to come to Quebec. We sent back that we insisted on the execution of the King's orders, and the promise he had made us, and if he would not act conformably thereto, we should not desire him to give himself the trouble to send to Montreal. He answered, that he would not send ; but, on further consideration, con- cluded to send a proclamation, requiring some of his officers to assemble our people in the upper towns, and demand their answer. 7th, The Gov- ernor sent Leland, the King's Interpreter, up the country, with his orders ; we also gave liberty to one of our English sailors to go to Mon-
40 Stoddard's Journal [Jan.
treal to see his sister. Afterwards, the Governor told us, that he had ordered that all the prisoners should be brought before the man we had sent to Mon- treal. We told him, that we had sent no man, but only suffered a sailor to go thither to visit his sister, and on no other account. 11th, We attended Governor Vaudreuil, and desired that all the prisoners at Quebec and the places adjoining, might be assembled, that we might have speech with them, which he promised to do within four or five days ; and, particularly, two persons at Lorett, and one Arabella Jordan, at Trois River. Gover- nor Vaudreuil also signified that the Lord Intendant was angry because Madam Le Beau was come from Montreal after he had confined her to that town (her coming was by order of Governor De Ramsey.) He likewise renewed his protestations of working her deliverance when he should arrive in France, or if she would return to Montreal, and from thence to our country, none should hinder her. We insisted on her going by sea, either publicly or privately, but he manifested great unwillingness, being afraid of the Lord Intendant, and the Bishop, from whom he had lately received divers letters concerning Madame Le Beau. 14th, We again asked that the English might be assembled, which the Governor promised should be done the next day. We likewise desired that Eben- ezer Nyms, in particular, and his wife and child, might be sent for from Lorett, and signified that they were kept in fear by the Indians, and how- ever desirous they were to return, yet they dare not say they would go home, unless they see themselves clear of all danger from the Indians. He promised to give order that they should all be brought together, with- out priest or Indian with them ; and because the woman was not well, he would order that she should be brought on horseback ; and if not able to ride, she should be brought in a cart. Accordingly, on the 15th, he sent his orders by a Frenchman, with whom we sent our doctor, to take care of the woman. He returned the next morning, and informed that she was able to walk to town on foot, and that he had been greatly affronted by the Jesuit of Lorett. 16th, Nyms came to Quebec, and divers Indians with him, but his wife came not — the Jesuit pretending she was not able. Mr. Williams and Capt. Southack attended Mr. Vau- dreuil, and signified our dissatisfaction, and he pretended that he would do anything to have her brought to town, if we would put him in a way to effect it, but nothing was done that was probable to effect the matter. The same day, I attended Governor Vaudreuil, and after a long debate concerning Madam Le Beau, wherein he constantly manifested a great fear of suffering us to carry her away by sea, he determined to send her by land, from Montreal, by some of our Englishmen, and that lie would cause her to be conveyed to Chamblee, by a Frenchman, and there delivered to our people, and we might be assured that nothing should prevent it. We proposed that he should supply our people with provisions, at Chamblee, for their journey. He answered, that he hated to ask that devilish Intendant. 17th, We discoursed with Governor Vau- dreuil concerning Madam Le Beau. He still insisted on her going by land, and gave his word of honor that he would cause her to go home. We still insisted on Nyms and his wife being brought to town, assuring him that their lives were in danger if they (while at Lorett) should say they would go home ; and, rather than hazard themselves, they would say they would abide in this country. We likewise told him, if his orders were not sufficient to bring them to town, then it would be to no purpose for him to take any further thought about them. At length he promised that he would give positive orders that they should be brought the next day. The same day, in the evening, Mr. Vaudreuil told Mr. Williams, that
1851.] Stoddard's Journal. 41
Madam Le Beau might return by sea, but should not take either of her children with her. 20th, In the morning, Governor Vaudreuil sent for us, and caused Nyms and his wife to be brought before us, who declared that they would go home, and accordingly were put on board. The woman walked from Lorette to Quebec, and when she came there we could not perceive but that she was as well as, generally, women are. At the same time, Governor Vaudreuil told me, that he would give order that Madam Le Beau's child should be taken from her and put among the Ursulines. I answered, that she had the sole power of disposing of the infant, and she might put it out where she pleased ; and, so long as the child was well cared for, no Prince could, with justice, forcibly take it away. I likewise acquainted him, that one John Whitaker, who had declared before his Excellency, that he would go home, was gone from us, and by what we could not learn. The clergy had either persuaded him away, or forcibly conveyed him about twenty miles down the river, and we expected he should be sent for, and brought to us. I further told him, that there were many English prisoners in the town, and places adjoining, that had not been asked whether they would return or not. He answered, that he would cause them to be assembled in the afternoon, and required, that those that had already declared that they would go home, should again make their appearance, and accordingly there were some assembled, part of which declared that they would go home ; others said they would not ; oth- ers said they would not go to Boston, but to England, by the way of France ; others said they would go, provided they might take with them their wives and children ; and one who had formerly said he would go home, and had for many days been on board, now declared he had rather stay, and was taken from us. 21st, Came a great number of Indians from Lorett, having been informed (as we were told by a squaw who had adopted Nyms for her son) by a man who came to Lorett on horseback, that we had taken Nyms and his wife, and bound them, and forcibly conveyed them on board. The Gov- ernor sent two of those Indians to us, and desired that they might go on board with us to speak with Nyms — they being on board. Nyms told them he would go home. Then they demanded his child, which he refused. On the 23d came some Indians from St. Francis, who brought an English prisoner, but refused to deliver him without a ransom of one hundred and sixty livers, which, after a considerable dispute, was paid — the one half by Governor Vaudreuil, the other by Mr. Williams. We being informed that there were four prisoners at St. Francis — one with the French, the rest with the Indians — that were desirous to return, as also some others at, or near Montreal, likely to be obtained, we appointed our Interpreter, with three others, to visit such prisoners (as we informed him were likely to return,) and to endeavor their deliverance ; then to take his journey, by land, to the Otter Creek, and thence, the most direct way to Deerfield, unless he should have with him any prisoners, which, by their inability, should render the journey that way impracticable ; then to return, by Al- bany, and hasten his letters to Boston. On the 24th, in the morning, we sailed from Quebec with twenty-six prisoners, having lost three men who had declared to the Governor that they would go home, and five others, who pretended to embark just before we sailed ; — not having received the list that the Governor promised us ; without having our people assembled at Quebec ; without having one half of our people asked, before us, whether they would return or not, and several that were at Quebec while we were there, — or one minor compelled ; having never seen many of our prisoners while we were in the country.
We fell down that day, a little way, by the Isle of Orleans. 25th, We
42
Mr. Walton's Journal.
[Jan.
sailed, under a fresh gale wind, to the Isle of Coudre. 26th, We sailed to the Isle of Levre ; — there we tarried. 27th, About four in lh3 morning, having been sick about a fortnight. We tarried
William Boltwood died ■ there 28th, 29th, 30th, thence (1714.)
and 31st. Sept. 1st, in the morning, we sailed
TO THE PUBLISHER.
Sir — I send herewith, a copy of a brief journal kept by Mr. Josiah Wal- ton, during a campaign in the " Old French War." If you think proper, please insert it in the Register. Mr. W. was born at Reading. About 1770, he removed to New Ipswich. On the day of " Concord fight," he joined a company that went from that town, and was at the battle of Bunker's Hill, where he was severely wounded ; but recovered, and was at the Battle of Bennington. He lived a long and useful life, and died June 21st., 1831, aged 95 years. F. K.
" June ye 30, 1755.
" I went with Major Nichols, bound for Crown Point. Monday, from Reading to Woburn. Tuesday, from there, through Bedford, Concord, Sudbury, Westboro', to Worcester. On Wednesday, from there, through Leicester and Brookfield, to Palmer. Thursday, through Springfield and Westfield, to Glasgow. Friday, through part of Number One, to Shef- field. Saturday, through Kinderhook, to the Half-way House. Sunday, to Albany. July 6, We went up the river, from the 6th of Au-
gust till ye 14th, when we arrived at the carrying place. Sept. ye 4th, got to Lake George. Sept. ye 8th, there was a scout of seven hundred men which met an army of French and Indians, which beat us back to the camp, and there fought some hours. The fight began four miles from camp. I was dismissed at Lake George, Oct. 4th. I got to Albany the 7th. Went on board Capt. Clapp's sloop, which sailed that day for Bos- ton, where we arrived Oct. ye 21, and got home the next day.
" A Company that went in the Expedition to Crown Point, under the command of Major Nichols.
Capt. John Taplin Ebenezer Collins
Lieut. Benjamin Flint Francis Chase Ensign Isaac Stearns Ichabod Drew
Seargent Nathan Walton Kendall Flint " Josiah Fay Jonathan Eaton
" Obadiah Hoit John Fay
Samuel Dagget Solomon Fay
Ebenezer Going John Hill Samuel Hartshorn Thomas Hadley Peter Hay Jonathan Johnson Asa Kendall Daniel Knight John Locke
Corp.
Ezra Smith " William Gould " John Dix " John Boutwell
Ithimar Calos
Josiah Brag
Thomas Brown
Elisha Barton
John Walton
William Lewis Moses McClemen Benjamin Moors Joseph Pratt Ebenezer Pike Charles Rice Person Richardson Benjamin Ridell Lewis Richardson Samuel Smith Timothy Tewksbury John Tewksbury James Wyman Ebenezer Whitney Josiah Wetherbee Josiah Walton
April ye 22, 1756, a general training, to enlist men for Crown Point.'
1851.] Ancestors of Rev. Samuel Hopkins^ D.J). 43
ANCESTORS OF REV. SAMUEL HOPKINS, D.D., OF NEW- PORT, AND THEIR CHILDREN.
[Communicated by Sylvester Judd, Esq., of Northampton.]
John Hopkins settled at Cambridge in 1634, was admitted freeman in 1635, and removed to Hartford in 1636. He died in 1654, leaving a widow, Jane, and two children, Stephen and Bethia. The widow mar- ried Nathaniel Ward, of Hadley, and the daughter married in 1652, Sam- uel Stocking, of Middletown, and, after his decease, James Steele, of Hartford. John Hopkins may have been related to Edward Hopkins, Esq., of Hartford.
Stephen Hopkins, only son of John, married Dorcas Bronson, daughter of John Bronson, of Farmington, and resided at Hartford. He died in 1689, and his widow in 1697. He names, in his will, six children, viz.: John, Stephen, Ebenezer, Joseph, Dorcas, Webster, and Mary Hopkins.
John Hopkins, son of Stephen, settled in Waterbury, where he died, Nov. 4, 1732. His wife died May 30. 1730. Their children were: — John, b. March 29, 1686 ; Consider, b. March 29, 1687 ; Stephen, b. Nov. 19, 1689 ; Timothy, b. Nov. 16, 1691 ; Samuel, b. Dec. 27, 1693, graduat >.d at Yale College 1718 —Minister of West Springfield ; Mary, b. Jan. 27, 1696-7 ; Hannah, b. April, 25, 1699 ; Dorcas, b. Feb. 12, 1706.
Timothy Hopkins, son of John, of Waterbury, married Mary Judd, daughter of Dea. Thomas Judd, of Waterbury, June 25, 1719. He died in W., Feb. 5, 1748-9, aged 57. Their children were: — Samuel, b. Sept. 17, 1721, Y. C. 1741 — Minister at Great Barrington and New- port; Timothy, b. Sept. 8, 1723; Huldah, b. Dec. 22, 1725; Hannah, b. April 11, 1728 ; Sarah, b. May 25, 1730 : James, b. June 26, 1732 ; Daniel, b. Oct, 16, 1734, Y. C. 1758 — Minister at Salem ; Mary, b. June 27, 1737 ; Mark, b. Sept. 18, 1739, Y. C, 1758 — was a lawyer, as I am informed.
[The following very interesting Letter from Dr. Hopkins, of Newport, to Rev. Jonathan Judd, of South Hampton, never before published, accompanied the above brief Genealogy.]
Newport, Nov. 5, 1798.
Dear Sir — It is near thirty years since I have had anything direct from you, and I do not remember that I have written you since ; which I am now disposed to consider as my fault. The import of your line to me then was, that you considered me as a great and wicked heretic, highly deserving rebuke.* I believe I have published nothing since that would lead you to have a better opinion of me, had you read my writings, which to me is improbable.
However, considering our consanguinity ; f that we originated in the same town, were classmates at college, and the intimacy which took place between us when we were young, and entering on the stage of life, there is, perhaps, no reason for our living strangers to each other. I therefore now sit down to write you by post, as I know of no other way of conveyance, presuming you are yet in this world, though I have heard nothing of you for a considerable time.
* Mr. Judd was strongly opposed to some of the opinions of Dr. Hopkins, t The mother of Dr. Hopkins was a sister of Mr. Judd's father.
44 Letter of Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D.D. [Jan.
You are about a year older or younger than I am, I think ; but I do not remember which. I was 77 years old on the 17th day of last Sep- tember. But very few of our cotemporaries are now living, and we shall soon be called off the stage of life. I think I have heard of the death of the wife of your youth ; and that you have since married another wife, but who, or from whence, or whether she be yet alive, I know not. You have children, I conclude, some or all of them grown up and settled in the world ; but how many you have had, whether they be all alive, and what proportion of males and females, I have not been informed.
I have had eight children — five sons and three daughters — which were all born in Great Barrington. Four of them are deceased, viz. : my youngest son, Daniel, who died in Maryland in the year 1788, in the 25th year of his age ; my three daughters, Betsy, Joanna, and Rhoda, all lived to marry, and left issue. My oldest daughter left two sons who are now with their father in North Carolina. Joanna married a Fisher, in Med- way, and has left but one child, a daughter, now in her 17th year, who lives with me. Rhoda married to John Anthony, and died in this town, soon after her first child was born, in 1792. Her child, a son, is now liv- ing, and is with his father's parents at Killington, in Vermont. My first wife died at Great Barrington, in August, 1793, having gone there on a visit to her children, and hoping that it might be for her health, having been in a decline many years. Since that, I have married a second wife, a maiden lady, who originated from Boston, with the entire approbation of all my congregation and friends, who is a very great help and comfort to me in my advanced years.
My church and congregation were large and flourished, before the war with Britain, but in that war were greatly diminished and impoverished ; from which state they have not risen. However, I have my daily food and live comfortably and in peace, having neither poverty nor riches, as a temptation to lead me astray. My family consists only of myself, Mrs. Hopkins, and my grand-daughter above mentioned.
I have only one brother and one sister living. The latter lives with a married daughter of hers, whose husband has lately moved from Water- bury to the north-west part of Connecticut, or in the bounds of New York State. The former is at Salem I suppose you know. He is minis- ter of a large and flourishing congregation, who are very kind to him, and they attend his ministry better than congregations commonly do at this day. They give him many valuable presents, and GOO dollars per annum. He preaches three sermons every Sabbath.
My oldest son, David, lives in Maryland, near Baltimore. He has a large plantation ; has had two wives, both of which are dead. He is left a widower, with three daughters. Is now chosen General of the Militia of the County in which he lives. My third son, Levi, lives in the north- west part of Virginia, near the Apalachian mountains. Has a wife and six children living. He lost his eldest daughter lately, who was a prom- ising young woman. My second and fourth sons, Moses and Samuel, live at Great Barrington. Moses is a man of business. He is a farmer and a merchant. He is Register of that part of the County in which he lives, and Justice of the Peace. Owns a grist-mill and a saw-mill on the river, which can go the whole year. He has nine children, all likely. None of them have yet left him. Samuel lives in my house and occupies the farm. He has a wife and three children. He is an honest, industri- ous man ; lives much within himself, by the produce of the farm ; owes nobody, and has money in his pocket.
I enjoy a comfortable measure of health, through the distinguishing
1851.] Old Burying- Ground at Peekslcill. 45
mercy of God, and have fewer complaints than men of my years com- monly have. Am able to attend the public services of die Sabbath con- stantly, and we have a weekly conference at my house every Thursday evening. But religion is very low with us, and in these parts.
I have printed seven sermons. Five of them have been reprinted in America, and three of the five have been printed in Scotland. I have also printed two other pamphlets — a Dialogue concerning the slavery of the Africans, and another small pamphlet. The former has had a second edition in New York. I have also published an answer to Dr. Mayhew's two sermons, to prove there are promises to the unregenerate, of 145 pages. A reply to Mr. Mill's exceptions to some passages in the 10th section of the foregoing, containing 184 pages. In the year 1773, I pub- lished a book of 220 pages, containing " An Inquiry concerning the nature of true holiness," of 78 pages, which has since been reprinted at New York. It also contained answers to Messrs. Moses Mather, William Hart, of Saybroook, and M. Ilemmenway, who had written in opposition to something which I had published, and to some writings of Mr. Edwards and Dr. Bellamy. In the year 1783, I published a book of 194 pages, entitled, " An Inquiry concerning the future state of those who die in their sins."
In 1793, I published " A System of Doctrines contained in Divine Revelation, with a treatise on the Millenium," in two volumes, octavo, containing 1244 pages. The Treatise on the Millenium, of 158 pages, has been reprinted in Europe.
In 1796, 1 published The Life of Miss Susanna Anthony, of 193 pages; of which a second edition is agreed upon with the printers, Hudson and Goodwin, at Hartford.
I have written "Memoirs of the Life of Mrs. Osborn," which is now at the press at Worcester, which is to contain about 400 pages, and is ex- pected to be published before next spring.
We are going into a world of light, where it will be known what truth and what errors we have imbibed and contended for in this dark world ; and then all matters will be set right; to which I feel no reluctance — hoping I sincerely love the truth, and that I am building on the sure foun- dation laid in Zion, whatever hay and stubble may be found with me. And as to others, who are the professed friends of Christ, I desire not to judge any of them before the time.
If this should find you alive and in health, and you should find it in your heart to write me by the same conveyance in which this goes, you would much oblige
Your kinsman and old friend,
Rev. Jonathan Judd. S. Hopkins.
P. S. Mrs. Hopkins wishes you to think of her as your respectful friend.
OLD BURYING-GROUND AT PEEKSKILL, N. Y.
The marble monument erected to the memory of John Paulding, one of the captors of Major Andre, by the Corporation of New York City, bears the following inscription : —
" Here repose the mortal remains of John Paulding, who died on
the 18th day of February, 1818, in the GOth year of his age. On the
morning of the 23d. of Sept., 1780, accompanied by two young farmers of
the county of Weschester (whose names will one day be recorded on their
5
46 Old Burying- Ground at Peekskill. [Jan.
own deserved monuments,) lie intercepted the British spy, Andre. Poor himself, he disdained to acquire wealth by sacrificing his country. Re- jecting the temptation of great rewards, he conveyed bis prisoner to the American camp, and, by this act of noble self-denial, the treason of Arnold was detected ; the designs of the enemy baffled ; West Point and the American Army saved ; and the United States, now, by the grace of God, free and independent, preserved from imminent peril." On the east side is a wreath engraved on the marble, with the word " Fidelity," and on the west, u Amor patrice vincit."
John Gilbert d. at Peekskill, 30 March, 1816, 33 56. Elizabeth, his wife b. 1763 — d. 1841. Mrs. Olive, wife of Rev. Joel Baker of Granville, Mass., d. at Peekskill, 17 Nov., 1S44,33 68. Col. Jas. Thompson, late officer in the Revolu- tionary War, (1. 27 Feb. 1804, a? 56; Sarah, his wife, d. 1 May, 1802, a? 62. Mary, wife of Samuel Drake, d. 21 May, 1779, a? 32 y. 5 mo. 17*ds. ; Bebeckah, wife of Sunuel Drake, Esq., b, 15 March, 1729, m. 14 May, 1753, and d. 13 May, 1772, aa 43 ; Samuel Drake d. 13 Jan. 1774, se 75; Gilbert Drake d. 8 Jan., 1809, a3 89 ; Rath Drake d 14 Dec, 1828, 33 91 ; Sally Drake d, 24 Mav, 1829, 33 54 ; Ruth, wife of Win. Drake, d. 1786,a3 68; Wm. Drake, Esq., d. 29 April, 1802, 33 80; Joshua Drake, b. 14 Oct., 1759, d. 20 Feb., 1818, 33 59; Ann Drake b. 3 Doc, 1768, d. March, 1822, 33 55 ; and follows,
" The victory now is obtained
She gon her dear Saviour to So Her wishes she fully has gained
She gon whar she longed to be."
Phebe, wife of Kob't Crumble, dan. of Joshua and Ann Drake, who d. 15 Dec., 1S46, 33 60. Sarah Tidd, wife of John Paulding, d. 23 Oct., 1789 ; [John Pauld- ing had four wives and 19 children.] Richard Curry d. 20 March, 1806, 33 96 y. and 4 mos. ; Elizabeth, wife of Richard Curry, d. 14 Feb., 1778,33 66 y. and 2 nios. ; Bilbeeck Drake, wife of Capt. John D., d. 2 May, 1771, 33 71; Jesper Drake d. 26 Feb., 1771, 33 19 ; Elizabeth, wife of Isaac Drake, d. 7 Jan. 1772, 33 21 ; Jeremiah Drake, b. 1726, d. 6 May, 1784, 33 58. Mary, wife of John Tur- ner, d. 2 Sept., 1826, 33 79 ; John Turner d. 27 March, 1 788, 33 42. Mary, wife of John Ward, d. 15 Sept., 1765, 33 69 ; John Ward, Esq., d. 7 Dec., 1767, 33 88; Elizabeth, dau. of Benj. and Phebe Waid, d 20 March, 1847, 33 52; Benjamin Ward, Esq., d. 26 Feb., 1842, 33 42, (son of Benj. and Phebe ;) Benjamin Ward (a British officer) d. 21 April, 1817, 3365; Phebe, wife of Benj. Ward, d. 9 Jan., 1848, 33 92, (drew a pension from British Government;) Jane, dau of Benj. and Phebe Ward, d. 22 Oct.. 1817, 33 20 ; Caleb Ward d. 18 Dee., 1811, 33 36 ; 'Caleb Ward b. 11 Nov., 1728, d. 16 May, 1802. 33 74 ; Mary, wife of Caleb Ward, b. 30 April, 1731, d. 20 Feb., 1801, 33 70. Sarah, wife Israel Jacobs, d. 22 Sept., 1820, a3 62. Capt. James Mandevitle d. 21 Dec, 1848. se 88 v. 4. mos. 27 ds. ; Reuben Fowler d. 1 Feb., 1832, a> 78 y. 4 mos. 28 ds. ; Jeremiah D. Fowler, M. D., d. 28 Oct., 1828, oe 42 y. 10 mos. 27 ds. ; Chauncy, son of John and Emily Fowler, d. 4 Oct., 1830, 33 7 mos. 18 ds- ; Samuel Jacobs d. 22 March, 1844, 33 65; Mary Jacobs d. 4 Aug., 1845, a? 85 ; Sarah Bates, of N. Y., d. at P. 23 June, 1843, 33 91 y. 1 1 mos. 5 ds.; Caleb Morgan d. 23 July, 1838, 33 91 ; Rebecca, widow of Gov. Warren, d. 18 August, 1838, a3 34 y. and 4 mos. ; Jane, wife of Dr. Nalh'l Drake, d. 27 March, 1834, a; 62.
" Near this stone lie the remains of George McChain, Lieutenant in the 6th Keg. of U. S. Infantry, and distinguished for his valor in ihe battles of Cliippeway and Bridgewater. In him were united the energy of the soldier with the easy politeness of a gentleman. Impressed with the great truths of religion, Ik; was hospitable, gentle, sober, just and contemplative. From the ardor of bis love of country be early devoted himself to a ser- vice, where he was brave, without vanity, and magnanimous, without osten- tation. To perpetuate the memory of so beloved a character, his mourn- ing friends have erected this humble stone, a frail memorial of their ven- eration of his virtues and a faint testimony of their grief for a misfor- tune alas indelibly engraved on their hearts. He died Id Oct., 1818, a? 32."
1851.] Graduates of Harvard originating from Salem. 47
GRADUATES OF HARVARD ORIGINATING FROM SALEM.
The substance of the following article formerly appeared in the American Quarterly Register. It has been enlarged and is now repub- lished by permission.
The references to Felt's Annals are always to the original ed. (8 vo). W. W., denotes William Winthrop.
J. p. D.
1642. — George Downing, son of Emanuel D., but born in London: he returned to England in 1645; his diversified life successively presenting the several phases of a preacher (tho' this was very brief), a Commissa- ry-general (1653), a member of Parliament from Scotland (1656), and an ambassador from Cromwell to the Hague (1657). Less than four years after, he was sent in the same capacity to the same power by the restored King. He seems to have been not a whit less adroit than his contemporary, South, in suiting his temper to the times, and equally far- sighted to see in their shadows, the signs of coming events. His charac- ter, low as it stood with English historians, was more infamous yet in the eyes of his New England countrymen, and it passed into a proverb, to say of one who proved false to his trust, that " he was an arrant George Downing." His renegade life will be found illustrated in Hutchinson. Anthony Wood, and Pcpys, — perhaps an epitome of it in sufficient detail the reader will see in felt's Annah of Salem, (pp. 166 — 170), and Pierce's Hist, of Harv. Univ., (Appendix, No. 13). Downing m. Frances How- ard, of a high family, 1654 ; was Knighted by King Charles at the Hague, when just about to set sail for the English shore, May 22, 1660; and created a Baronet (styled in the Act — "of East Hatley in Cambridgeshire") July 1, 1663. He d. in 1684, (59). His sister, Ann, m. Gov. Bradstreet, and survived to April, 1713. His grandson, G. D., d. without issue in 1747, and from his munificence was created at Cambridge in lbOO, " Dow- ning College," the youngest foundation of that seat of the Muses. The value of the bequest is now estimated at more than £150,000. The pa- rentage of the graduate, from the mistake, in the first instance, of honest Wood, was repeatedly mis-stated, as having been the son of Calybute D., a Puritan divine.
1666. — Joseph Brown, second son of Wtn. B., merch. : he had a fel- lowship in Cambridge, which he resigned Sept., 1673, and shortly after receiving a call to settle at Charlestown, d. before ordination, Myy 19, 1678. He m. Mehitabel, second daughter of Gov. Wm. Brenton, of the Rhode Island colony.
1 670. — Nathaniel Higgtnsov, second son of Rev. Jn. H., of S., but b. in Guilford, Ct. : returned to England in 1674, and for about seven years was steward to Lord Wharton and tutor to his children. He was in the service of the Mint, 1681, went, in that of the East India Co., to Fort St. George, 1683; was of the Council and also its Secretary, and Gov. of the factory at the Fort. He m. Elizabeth Richards, 1692 ; returned to England in 1700, and d. a merchant in London, 1708. {Felts Annah, pp. 349—350).
1685. — Peter Ruck, probably of S. : This somewhat uncouth name, though unknown elsewhere, and long extinct in S., occurs often in the ear- ly Records. John R., one of the Selectmen to whom, in 16^6, the Indian
48 Graduates of Harvard originating from Salem. [Jan.
deed of the township, originally from George, the Naumkeag Sagamore, was made out, in form, by his descendants ; was also a deputy to the Assem- bly 168.5, '90, '91, and d. in 1698 (71) ; not unlikely the father of the graduate. Samuel and James R., are found in the next century (1733 — '35); and as late as 177*2, Ruth R. is one of the original members of the North Ch. (the Stone Ch. on Essex st.J " The Salem Gazette and Newbury and Marblehea.l Advertiser " was published by PI Russell in 1774, "in Ruck" (now Lynde?) " St., near the State (i. e. Court) House." Peter R. — which name is nowhere met with in the Records, — is asterized in 1696. W. W. simply says of him, — " merch. in Boston, and brother to Justice Ruck."
1695. — Walter Price, son of John P. : he was a Captain in the engagement, with the French and Indians at Haverhill, in 1708, (see Hutchinson's H<s. of Mass., II. p. 173), a Commissioner of the Province Loan for Essex, and Naval officer for the port of S. He m. (1) Freestone, dau. of Jn. Turner, March, 1699 ; (2) Elizabeth, dan. of Win. Hirst, February, 1716, and d. April 5, 1731, (55).
Timothy Lindall, son of T. L. : he d. October 25, 17G0,
(83), the last survivor of his class, having been a Repr. many years and Speaker of the House; of the Exec, Council, and Judge of the C. PL Ct. — {Boston Eve. Post). He in. Bethiah Kitchen, May, 1714. The late Hon. Tlio. Lindall Winthrop, of Boston, and Dr. T. Lindall Jennison, of Cambridge, are in the line of his descent.
1701. — George Cuuwen, son of Hon. Jon. C. : eighth min. of the First Ch. [1714 — '17]; he m. Mehitabel, dau. of Deliverance Parkman, and Was cut off in his bloom, dying, (before his father), November 23, 1717, (35).
1705. — John Rogers, son of Jerem. R. : second min. of Boxford, south par. [1709 — '43], resigned and d. at his son's, in Leominster, (Rev. Jn. R., H. U. 1732), where his last years were passed, about 1755. The parents of the Boxford minister would seem to have been in humble life and indigent condition. (FeWs Annals, p. 380).
1708. — Samuel Phillips, son of S. P., goldsmith : first min. of Andover, south par.; m. Hannah, dau. of John White, of Haverhill, Jan., 1713; and d. after a sixty years ministry, June 5, 1771, (82). He pub- lished about fourteen occasional Discourses, and a joint-elegy upon the Rev. N. Noyes and Geo. Cur wen.
1715. — Benjamin MarSton, son of Wm. M. : he was a merch., Col. of militia, and sheriff of Essex ; also Judge of Sessions and C. PI. Ct. He m. (1) Mehit. dau. of Rev. Henry Gibbs, of Watertown ; (2) Eliza- beth, dau. of Hon. Isaac Winslow, of Marshfield ; and d. in 1754 at Manchester, to which place he had removed.
1717. — John Higginson, son of Jn. II. and gr.-son of Rev. Jn. II.: he sustained the chief town-offices ; was a J. of P. and County Register; and also commanded a company. He m. (1) Ruth Bordman, Dec, 1719, (2) Esther Cabot; and d. July 15, 1744 (46).
1718. — MlTCH EL Sewall, eld. son of Major Stephen S. : m. (1) Mary Cabot, (May, 1729) ; (2) Elizabeth Price, June, 1743 ; succeeded his father in 1725 as Clerk of the Ct. of Sessions and of C. PI.; became Justice of the same, 1733, and d. Oct. 13, 1748, (49).
Benjamin Lynde, son of Hon. B. L, [LI. U. 1686].: he held
various responsible trusts, — not all of them easily compatible by the mod- ern standard, — Repr., a Counsellor, Naval officer of the port, a Ruling Elder of the First ch., a Judge of the Ct. of Sessions and C. PI, and toward the close of life, Judge of Probate. These honors were lost in
1851.] G-raduates of Harvard originating from Salem. 49
the higher dignity of Judge of the S. J. Ct., which he held for twenty- six years [1745 — 71]. Judge L. m. Mary Goodridge, wid. ; dau. of Major John Bowles, of Roxbury, and d. Oct. 9, 1781, (81).
1719. — Theophilus Pickering, son of John P.: third min. of Che- baco par. (now Essex) Ipswich, where he d. — a bachelor — after twenty years of service, Oct. 7, 1747, (48). — (Bost.Gaz. Nov. 10).
1721. — Stephen Sewall, second son of Major Stephen S. : he com- menced as a preacher, became a Tutor in College [1728 — '39], was then raised to the bench of the S. J. Ct., over which, on the death of Dudley, in 1752, he was chosen to preside. He d. at his residence in Boston, Sept. 10, 1760, (58), being then a member of Dr. Mayhew's (West) church.
John Wolcott, son of Josiah W., merch. : he was for a time
in mercantile business with Col Win. Brown. He was also a Repr., and J. of P., and in 1737 succeeded Benj. Marston as Sheriff of Essex. He m. Elizabeth Pompilion of Boston, 1730, and d. May, 1747, (44.)
1722. — Samuel Jefferds, son of Simon J.; second min. of Wells, Me., ord. Dec, 1725, and d. Feb. 5, 1752 (48).
1723. — John Gardiner, eld. son of Capt. Jn. G. : If this is the person frequently given by Felt as a Repr. from S., [1741 — "47], it is not very easily reconciled with Wintkrop's MSS., where the graduate is styled " a merch. in Bost." He is aster, in 1756.
1724. — James Osgood, son of Dea. Peter O. : first min. of Stone- ham, ord. Sept., 1729, and d. March 2, 1745, (40).
Marston Cabot, (whose father, as appears from Felt (p. 368)
was a son-in-law of Benj. Marston [H. U. 1689] : min. of Killingly, Ct., ord. 1730, and d. in 1756. Two occasional sermons by him are in print.
John Cabot, son of John C, merch., (and not probably a broth- er of the preceding) : phys. in S. ; m. (1) Sarah Higginson, Dec, 1732 ; (2) Hannah, dau. of Francis Clark, and d. June 3, 1749, (45).
1725. — Benj. Browne, son of John B. : he was Repr. of S. several years, and often a Selectman. He m. Eunice, dau. of Col. Jn. Turner, June, 1729, which union first connected the two opulent families of the place ; and d. (then styled " Col. B.") Feb. 3, 1750, (44).
1727. — Samuel Browne, eld. son of Hon. S. B. : his property, as given by Felt, exceeded £ 5200 ; that part which, was vested in real es- tate, amounting to over an hundred thousand acres, in various places, (Annals of S., p. 424J. He m. Cath., dau. of Jn. Winthrop, of Boston, in the fifth generation from the pilgrim Governor, and d. Nov. 26, 1742, (34).
William Browne, younger brother of the preceding : he was
Justice of the Ct. of Sessions, Repr., and of the Exec. Council. He was struck with apoplexy in his garden, April 27, 1763, (54). His two wives were (1) Mary, dau. of Gov. Burnett, (2) Mary, dau. of Philip French, of New Brunswick, N. J.
1728. — Nathaniel Lindall, son probably of Nath. L., and nephew of T. L. (see ante). Winthrop' s MSS. style him "merch. in B." He is aster, in 1776.
1729. — Richard Clark, son of Francis C. : became a merch. and tea-consignee in Bost.; was hence obnoxious to the populace in the open- ing scenes of the Revolution. (See Gordons Hist., vol. I., and the early newspapers). His house in School st. was the scene of a riotous assault, on the return of his son, Jonathan C, from England, as one of the East India Co.'s factors. (B. N. Letter, Nov. 22, 1773). Both father and son are in the Proscr. Act. R. C. m. Elizabeth, dau. of Edw. Winslow of Bost. : became a refugee and d. at the house of his son-in-law, John
5*
50 Graduates of Harvard originating from Salem. [Jan.
Singleton Copely, the well-known artist, (who m. Susan Clark, Nov., 1769), in Lond., February 27, 1795, (85).
1730. — John Barton, son of Col. Tho's B. ; apothecary: a merch. in S., who d. — unm. —Dec. 21, 1774, (63).
1732. — Samuel Gardner, third son of Capt. John G. : was an eminent merch. and Repr. : m. Esther Orne (who afterwards (June, 1770,) became the wife of Francis Cabot of S.) and d. Apr. 7, 1769, (57).
1733. — William Lynde, younger son of (the first) Hon. Benj. L. : a merch. of considerable estate ; d. May 10, 1752, (38).
Benjamin Gerrish, son of B. G., the first Naval officer and Col- lector: he was a Repr. and in 1739 Notary Public. He m. Margaret Cabot, Jan., 1737, and d. in 1752, (38). [Felt has erroneously styled him Governor of Bermuda; confounding him, very likely, with another B. G. who was one of the King's Counsellors for Nova Scotia and Pay- master of his Majesty's forces in that province and Newfoundland. This last d. at Southampton, Eng., May 6, 1772, (55).
Joseph Orne, son of ? he was frequently Selectman, and
was a public-spirited citizen. He is aster, in 1748. [But is he not the J. O. who d. in the Dec'r of the same year, and to whom FeH refers p. 437?]
1735. — Samuel Curwen, eld. son of Rev. Geo. C, (see ante.)-, edu- cated for the ministry, but left it to become a merch. He held the title of Capt. in the Cape Breton expedition, 1745, was an impost officer for Essex co. 1759 — '74, and for a time J. of Admiralty : at the Revolution, a loyalist, who being annoyed, and at the same time of excessive timidity, first removed to Philad. and soon took refuge in England. Pie returned to S. after the Peace and d. Apr. 9, 1802 (86). Mr. C. m. the dau. of the Hon. Daniel Russell, of Charlestown, and sister of Hon. Chambers R. [H. U. 1731]. His house, the irregular and time-honored structure, west corner of Essex and North sts., is made memorable by other and less pleasing associations, (being the Court-Room on the trials for witchcraft, 1692). Judge C.'s 'Journal and Diary,' while abroad, were published by his descendant, Mr. G. A. Ward, of New York, in 1842, (8 vo.)
George Curwen, younger brother of S. C. : was a Commissary
under Sir Wra. Pcpperell in the Louisberg expedition: and d. at St. Eustatia while on some mercantile enterprise, June 7, 1746, (29). [Win- throp'sM SS. say — d. at sea, 1747]. He m. Sarah Buckman.
1740. — Samuel Orne, second son of Timothy O. : a merch. in S., who d. Sept. 16, 1774 (54).
1745. — Ichabod Flaisted, son of Col. I. P.; m. Eunice, dau. of Benj. Browne, Esq., and d. Dec, 1755, (35) styled " Capt. I. P., jr."
Andrew Higginson, second son of John H. (see ante.) : " went
to sea early from College and was lost," ( Winthrop's MSS.,) aster, in 1748.
Nathaniel Ropes, son of N. R. : he was a Repr. and of the
Exec. Council ; a Judge of the Ct. of Sessions and of C. PI., and for a brief period of little more than a year, Judge of the S. J. Ct. [Jan. 1772 — 1773]. He m. Priscilla, dau. of Rev. John Sparhawk, of the first ch., and d. of the small-pox, March 18, 1774 (46) holding at the time the of- fice of Ruling Elder of the First ch. Judge R. was, by common repute, a loyalist in the politics of the time, but not of " the straitest sect." Wheth- er this is to be qualified or not, however, it hardly comes within the verge of credibility that his house should have been assailed, the night before his decease, in some popular outbreak of the time ; and yet so runs the current tradition.
1851.] Graduates of Harvard originating from Salem. 51
1749. — Benjamin Marston, son of B. M., [II. U. 1715, sec ante'] : a ifterch. at Marblehead, who, at the Revolution, became a loyalist and ref- ugee. He was eventually in the service of the British African Company ; and previously to their adoption, it is understood, was reduced to a degree of indigence almost commiserable. He d. in this connection, of a fever, at Baalam's Isle, on the coast of Africa, in the spring or summer of 1793. (Col. Cent. Oct. 12, 1793.)
1755. — William Browne, son of Samuel B. (see ante.) : he was a Repr. of S. many years, (he and his colleague, Frye, being of the noted seventeen " Rescinders" in that body, Feb., 1768), Col. of the Essex regi- ment, Collector of the ports of Salem and Marblehead. He succeeded Judge Ropes, though for scarcely a longer period than he, on the bench of the S. J. Ct. ; refusing, in a more manly and spirited card than was com- mon on such occasions, to receive this last office as a trust from the Pro- vincial Assembly, (instead of the King) and also kTdecline the honor of Maud. Comms'r. to which he had been called. (See JBost. Gaz. Sept. 12, 1774, and compare the tone of Col. Frye's address to his fellow-citizens in the same paper). Col. B. left the country with the Revolution ; was deputed by the Crown to the post of Governor of Bermuda [1781 — '90], and returning to England, d. in Percy St., Westminister, Feb. 13, 1802, (55). He ra. his cousin, a dau. of Gov. Joseph Wanton, of Newport, R. I. His son, a Lieut, in the British service, was in the memorable siege of Gibralter, 1782. (See Curwen's Journal and Diary, in which Col. B.'s name and presence are quite familiar.)
1757. — Thomas Tofpan, son of Dr. Bazaleel T. [H. U. 1722] : he d. of consumption, Apr. 25, 1758, (20). (First ch. Records.)
1759. — Benjamin Pickman, son of Col. B. P. (who d. Aug. 20, 1773) : a merch. in early life ; he became " an absentee" during the Revo- lution, and his name is found in the Proscr. Act. He returned in March, 1785. He m. Mary, dau. of Dr. Bazaleel Toppan ; was for fifteen years, (i. e. to his resignation of the trust in 1803) Town Treasurer, and indeed to the end of life (Apr. 1819 — at the age of 79,) an exact recorder of domestic events, and a more certain reference upon such points than the official records of the place.
John Pickering, eld. son of Dea. Tim. P.: Repr. of S. and
once Speaker of the House, a Judge of C. PI. Ct., and for more than twenty years Register of Deeds. He lived and d. — a bach. — in Broad St., Aug. 22, 1811, (71). [This antique and — for a city — singularly rural mansion has passed away ; at least cannot now be recognized in its remodelled, and for the most part admired form, after the style of early English architecture, by his late distinguished namesake and nephew, of Boston.]
Samuel Gardner, son of ? d. at Monte Christi, 1762,
(21). (Winthrop's MSb.)
Nathan Good ale, son of ? he became the first Clerk
(1789) of the Federal District Ct. of Mass., (a merch. perhaps for a few preceding) ; removed soon after to Boston ; and d. in retirement at New- ton, Aug., 1806 (65). Mr. G. m. (1) Mary, dau. of Mitchell Sewall, (2) Margaret, dau. of Lt. Gov. Cushing. The political stamp of his earlier life is somewhat equivocal and puzzling. In the dawn of the Revolution he appears, from Curwen's Journal, to have sought refuge for a while from popular jealousy or dislike, at Nantucket; as did Pynchon and Orne. In the close of the struggle, somewhat to our surprise, we find him in Felt (Annals, p. 506,) a prisoner, returning home on British parole, and read
52 Graduates of Harvard originating from Salem. [Jan.
the vote of thanks to him from " the House " for " his great services to the cause ! "
17G2. — George Gardner, eld. son of Samu'l G., (see ante): a men-h. in S. who d. Jan. 1774 (30] — unm. He was a liberal benefactor to Harvard Col. at his death, and also to his native town by various lega- cies contingent on the life of his brother, Weld G., who survived him many years.
1763. — John Cabot, eld. son of Jos. C. of S. : a merch. in Beverly, in early life ; removed to Boston or Roxbury and there d. Aug. 27, 1821, (76). He m. Hannah, dau. of Geo. Dodge. [His younger brother, an eminent statesman, the Hon. Geo. C, who d. in Bost. in 1823, was, for an uncertain period, of the class of 1770. He received a degree in 1779.
Timothy Pickering, younger brother of John P. (see ante.):
the mature period of Col. P.'s protracted life was passed in the field or at Washington, where, as is well known, he filled a variety of the highest public trusts ; its last thirty years in Wenham or Salem. His latest po- litical service was as Repr. in Congress from Essex South District, [1814 — '17]. He d. in S. (to which he removed in 1819) Jan. 29, 1829, (84). His long series of services and honors make a part of American history and need therefore the less to be detailed here. Col. P. m. Rebecca White, (b. in Bristol, Eng.) dau. of Benj. W. of Boston.
1764. — Jonathan Goodhue, second son of Benj. G. : a merch. in S., who m. Dorothy, dau. of Jacob Ashton, and d. Apr. 19, 1778, (34).
1765. — Henry Gardner, younger brother of Geo. G. (see ante.) : many years a merch. in S., but retired finally to Maiden, where he d. Nov. 8, 1817. He m. Sarah, dau. of Jn. Turner, Esq.
■ Joseph Orne, son of Jon. O., and brother of the eminent
merch. Capt. Wm O. : a phys. of promise, who began his career in Bev- erly and seven years alter removed to S., where he m. Mary, daul of Rev. Dudley Leavitt, Nov. 1774, and became one of the earliest projec- tors of the American Academy. He fell a victim of consumption, Jan. 28,1786,(37). His second wife, whom he m. in Oct., 1781, Theresa Emery of Exeter, N. H., survived him fifty-seven years, and died at the age of 82, in S., within the fresh memory of all.
Nath. Ward, son of John W. : he had declined the chair of
Mathematics and Nat. Philosophy in King's (now Columbia) College, New York, and being appointed Librarian at Cambr. d. a week after, of a fever, Oct. 12, 1766 (22). He was unm.
• William Pickman, third and youngest son of Col. B. P.: for
a time, Naval officer of the port of S. ; m. Eliza, dau. of Rev. Dudley Lea- vitt, of the Tabernacle ch., and d. Nov. 5, 1815 (67).
1766. — Henry Gtbbs, son of H. G. [H. U. 1726] : a merch. in S., m. Mercy, dau. of Benj. Prescott [II. U. 1736], and gr.-dau. of Rev. B. P. of Danvers ; and d. June 29, 1794 (46.) [The well known and emi- nent genealogist, Wm. G., now of Lexington, and the . Prof, in the New Haven Divinity school, Josiah Willard G., are his sons.]
Joseph Dowse, "son of Jos. D., of Salem, and a Surgeon in
the British army in the W. 1." Winthrop's MSS. [A refugee in all like- lihood ; especially if his father were a retainer of the Crown, — the " Sur- veyor and Searcher of the ports of S. and Marblehead," mentioned by Felt. (Annals, p. 456.) The Dowse family, nearly a century earlier, were among the considerable names of Charlestown ; and hence it may be sur- mised, Dr. Josiah Harriett in his history of that town (Hist. Coll. XII, 178) has counted the graduate among its sons; by what warrant, we are not aware. Some of the children of the elder Jos. D. were living, since
1851.] Graduates of Harvard originating from Salem. 53
the Peace of '83, in S., as its elder citizens distinctly recall ; the family mansion being that now occupied by the Messrs. Wheatland, a single par- lor of which, it is said, sufficed for his Majesty's service. The Col. Cent. (Dec. 16, 1807) gives in its obituary — " in Bost. Miss Margaret Dowse, dau. of the late Jos. D. formerly of S. (82)." The graduate's career is lost in obscurity, saving the vague mention by W. W. ; he is aster, in 1827.]
Benj. Goodhue, fourth son of B. G. : merch in S., and also
Repr. in Congress from the Essex District, or U. S. Senator, [1789 — 1800]; rn. (1) Frances Ritchie of Philad., (2) Ann, dau. of Abijah Willard, of Lancaster, Nov., 1804 ; and d. July 28,1814 (GG). His widow, (now in Lancaster,) yet survives.
Jacob Ashton, eld. son of Jacob A. : merch. and for nearly thirty
years Pies, of the " S. Marine Insurance Co.1' ; m. Susanna, dau. of Capt. Richard Le<\ Jtfay, 1771 ; and d. Dec. 28, 1814, (85).
1768. — James Diman, eld, son of Rev. J. D. of the East ch. [H. U. 1730] : he m. Esther Merrill, Nov., 1779, and removed to Stratham, N. IL, (as a farmer probably) where he d. Dec. 20, 1823, (73); styled in the obituary, "formerly of Portsmouth."
Timothy Orne, son of Tim. O., (who died in 1767); he was
a merch., like his father; m. Elizabeth, dau. of Wm. Pynchon, Esq., and, like his father-in-law, is on the list of the loyal addressers of Gov. Gage on his departure. He seems, indeed, to have been with Goodale and Pyn- chon a temporary sojourner in the Island of Nantucket, while the effer- vescence of his townsmen lasted ; and at some previous date, to judge from Gurweris Journal, (p. 43) was in no little danger of that iorm of Lynch law which prevailed in our Northern section during what were called patri- otic times. Mr. O. d. in Danvers, " of decay," Dec. 23, 1789, (39).
1771. — Edward Kitchen Turner, youngest son of John T., (the son-in-law of Edw. Kitchen,) and gr.-son of the opulent Jn. T. mentioned in the Annals of S. (p. 422) ; E. K. T. was a medical student with Dr. Holyoke for three years, and then sailed, either for business or health, to the north of Europe. In one of these passages from Gottenburg he was lost, corj. between 1775 — '76. W. W. entirely blunders in assigning the year of his graduation as that of his death.
Joshua Dodge, son of Capt. Geo. D. : trader, and for a few
years Town-treasurer, [1810 — Dec, 1813]; m. Elizabeth, dau. of Jn. Crowningshield, Apr. 1777; and d. Jan., 1814, (62).
1775. — Thomas Fitch Oliver, eld. son of Hon. Andrew O. [EL U. 1749] and gr.-son of Lt, Gov. (Andrew) O. [II. U. 1724] : Episcopal min. .successively at Marblehead [1786 — '91], Providence, R. L, and St. Thomas' Retreat, (so called,) Garretson forest, near Baltimore, Md. He d. at this last location, Jan. 25, 1797, (39). His widow, Sarah, dau. of Wm. Pynchon, Esq., survived him until a recent period. [His son, the late and lamented Dr. Daniel O. [H. U. 1806], formerly Prof, at Dart- mouth Col. d. in Cambridge, then for some years past his residence, of a peculiar and painful malady, May 1, 1842.]
1776. — Joseph Blaney, son undoubtedly of Jos. B., Clerk of the Ct. of C. PI. [H. U. 1751] ; and who, as tradition goes, long occupied what was since known as the Lawrence house, near the Rail-Road Station. The lather d. in June, 1786, having survived his son, one must suspect, several years, since he is aster, even in 1782, and no clue to his short his- tory is detected as yet.
1780. — Samuel Williams, eld. son of Geo. W. : crossed the Atlantic in 1793 to establish himself as a merch. in Hamburg, where he also soon
54 Graduates of Harvard originating from Salem. [Jan.
became U. S. Consul ; two or three years after, he received the same Charge in Loud., to which he had removed. He was superseded in this in 1801. at the coming in of the Jefferson Administration, and from that date to 182*). was the chief member of a noted and long prosperous banking- house in L. A romantic story is told (which we have no means to give with precision and in minute detail,) of his almost incredible rescue from death on a former passage, when his own ship, in collision with an unknown vessel, in a night intensely dark, was run down ; and he alone, strangely, and without agency of his own, transferred from the deck of the one ves- sel to the shrouds of the other. This event, ever fresh, left in him an in- vincible antipathy to the sea from that day. He at length, however, re- turned to America in 1835, and d. — unm. — at the house of his brother, (Tim. \V.) in Boston, in Jan., 1841.
1781. — Samuel Oknk, youngest son of Tim. O. and neph. of S. O., [H. U. 1740] : he d. early, a merch. in S., Feb. 20, 1785 (22).
John Saundk is, son of Jn. S. : merch. in S. and dry goods
importer in early life; then a commission merch. in New York city; re- turning to S. successively auctioneer and Cashier of the Merchants' Bank. For some latter years he was in the Custom-House. He was the first commander of the " S. Cadets," and is best remembered by his military- title, "Major S." He m. Sally, dau. of Benj. Crowningshield, Sept., 1783; and d. June 19, 1845. which was hastened by a fall the previous day.
1781. — Benj. Pickman, eld. son of Col. B. P. (see ante.): gent, of fortune in S. : M. C. for Essex South district [1809 — '11]; and equally well known as his father by the address " Col. P.," which title has since rested upon his eldest son, the late Hon. B. P. of Boston ; at his death Pres. of t he Mass. Senate. It has thus passed through four generations inheriting the same name. Col. P. m. Anstis, dau. of E. H. Derby, Oct., 1789 ; removed, in his solitude, to Bost. 1835 — 6 ? and his late mansion, the most admired model in our city of olden elegance and grandeur, has gone into strangers hands. His death occurred in S., August 11, 1843, (80). in part the consequence of a casualty, an overturn from his carriage.
—Timothy Williams, second son of Geo. W.: a merch. in
Bost.; d. — a bach. — at the United States Hotel, Feb., 1846.
1785. — Samuel Gardner Derby, second son of Richard D. : in early life, a merch. in S. ; for the last thirty years a gent, farmer in Wes- ton, where he d. Jan. 17, 1843, (76). lie m. (1) Margaret, dau. of Sam- uel Barton, Jan., 1791; (2) Lucy, dau. of Dr. Jos. Osgood, 1803; (3) Ann Archibald, of Bost., (who survived him) Sept., 1817. *' Gen. D." — his most familiar distinction was — the first Capt. of the " Salem Light Infantry."
: Ebenezer Putnam, son of Dr. E. P. [H. U. 1739] : lived, for
the most part, without profession, in S. : m. (1 & 2) Sally and Elizabeth, dauiruters ©f Gen. John Fiske, May, 1791, and Nov., 1796 ; and d. Feb. 25, 1820, (58).
1786. — John Derby, second son of Gen. E. Ilasket D. : merch. in S.; m. (1) Sally, dau. of Samuel Barton, (2) Eleanor Coffin, of Portland, Me. ; and d. instantly, from apoplexy, while looking into his letter-box at the Post-Office, Nov. 25, 1831, (65).
-Samuel Pickering Gardner, second son of Jn. G. of S. and
Weuham (removing to the latter in 1778): a merch. in Charleston, S. C, a few years ; came to Bost. in 1793; m. Rebecca Russell, dau. of Hon. Jn. Lowell [H. U. 1760]; and d. Dec. 18, 1843 (76). Mr. G.'s late residence in Summer st., (nearly opposite Trinity ch.) was, by tradi- tion, the seat of Major Leonard Vassall, the original emigrant of the fam-
1851.] Graduates of Harvard originating from Salem. 55
ily from Jamaica, and donor of lie laud now tlic site of the, church; as well as the father of a lordly race of sons and grand-sons. The mansion is, both in the material and style, one of the hist lingering patterns — and long may it stand — of a past age of architecture.
John Gibaut, son of J. G., a native of Guernsey, who came
in his)OUlh to the U. S. : he was Collector of the Tort of Gloucester, and d.. as it is thought, unm., Aug. 11, 18C5.
1787. — William Mason, only son of Capt. Tho. M. : went to Charleston, S. C, and was there a teacher; dying, mm., F< b., 1805 (27).
1788. — Joseph Cabot, eld. son of Jos. C. : a merch. in S., who m. Es- ther Orne, dau. of Dr. Win. Paine, (finally of Worcester,) Nov.. 1795 — since the wife and widow of Ichabod 'Tucker, Esq. lie d. Nov. 20, 1799 (28).
\tk& The record to this dale is of the departed only : in the names that follow, those of whom this fact does not appear, are to he understood as living; and the suffix — unm. — will designate those known to be unmar- ried.]
1791. — Ezekiel IIersey Derby, third son of Ilasket D. : in earlier life, a merch. in S., but who for nearly thirty-five years past, has lived at his seat in South-Salem, (so called,) a conspicuous and active agriculturist. He m. Hannah Brown, dau. of Tim. Fitch, of Medio] cl.
Thomas Pickjuan, second son of Col. B. P.: Phys. in S. ; m.
(l)Mary, dau. of Capt. Jn. Haraden, (2) Sophia, dan. of Jos. P. Pal- mer, Dee., 1815, and d. of consumption, Jan. 2, 1817. (43).
1792. — John Sparhawk Appleton, son of Jn A., Esq. [II. U. 1 757] : for many years a bookseller in S. (firm of " dishing & A.") ; m. Mary, dau. of Capt. Peter Lander, Apr. 1807, and d. of consumption, Dec. 20, 1824, (49).
George Gardner Lee, son of Capt. Tho. Lee : in early life
a Lieut, in the U. S. Navy ; in after years a merch. in Bost , of which he had often been a Pepr., and had just been re-chosen at the time of his sud- den death — in his bed, between bed time and morning, when it was first known — May, 1816 (41). His accomplished widow — Hannah F„ dau. of Dr. Micajah Sawyer, of Newbury port, [II. U. 1756] — is well and honorably known in the walks of authorship.
Willard Peele, youngest son of Capt. Jn. P. : had the sec- ond honors of his class; commenced the study of the law, which preca- rious health led him to exchange for a mercantile life ; Pres. of the Com- mercial Bank from the first to his death, which happened y^o de se. June 13. 1835, (62). He m. Margaret, dau. of John Appleton, Esq., [H. U. 1757].
Joseph Sprague, son of Major Jos. S. : merch. in S. ; m.
Margaret, dau. of Dr. Jos. Osgood, and d. June, 1833 (61).
1796. — John Pickering, eld. son of Col. T. P., (see ante.) : Couns.- at-law in S. ; in 1827 removed to Bost. where he he'd the place of City Solicitor from 1829 to his death, in May, 1846, (69). Mr. P. m. Sarah, dau. of John White, of Portsmouth. His name as a scholar, at his death, was far diffused ; and in the departments of philology and the ancient classics, he perhaps left in our own land no equal behind him. The vol- umes of the American Academy (to which he contributed much, and of which society he was Pr sident at his d< ath,) the Greek and English Lexi- con, (the joint work of Dr. Oliver and himself,) and the Vocabulary of Amercanisms testify to his accurate ana various learning.
Francis Williams, youngest son of Geo. W. : almost from
his youth, his life has been passed in Europe, his residence being of late years in Bruges, until his death, (summer of 1847) unm.
1797. — Jonathan Whitaker, son of Rev. J. W., of the Tabernacle
56 Graduates of Harvard originating from Salem. [Jan.
ch. [N. J. Coll. 1754] : min. for a short time at New Bedford, third socie- ty ; then removed to Virginia and North Carolina, being both preacher and teacher a while, at Raleigh. His final residence was in We>tern New York, [1831 — '35] as an instructor, first at Ogdensburgh and next at Henrietta, (u Principal of the Monroe High Sch.") dying at the last place, Nov. 19, 1835, (64). He m. Mary Kimball, of Bradford, sister of Rev. Daniel K.
1798. — John Hathorne, eld. son of Col. Jn. H.: shopkeeper in S.; m. Elizabeth Burchmore of S., Oct., 1809, and d. Jan. 15, 1829, (53).
1800. — William Rufus Gray, eld. son of Hon. Wm. G. : a merch. in Bost. ; m. Mary, dau. of Rev. Jos. Clay, lately of Savannah, Geo.; and d. July 29, 1831.
John Prince, eld. son of Rev. Dr. P. of the First ch., [II. U.
177 G] : Notary public in S., and in 1828 succeeded Ichabod Tucker as Clerk of the Cts. for Essex, which he resigned in 1841. He m. Louisa, dau. of Capt. Peter Lander, and d. Sept. 22, 1848, (66).
1801. — John Forrester, eld. son of Capt. Simon F. : for many years a prosperous merch. in S. ; m. Charlotte, sister of Hon. Jos. Story ; 'and d. Feb., 1837.
Benjamin Pierce, fourth son of Jeralhmiel P. ; had the first
honors of his class, became for many years, in connection with his father, a merch. ; also a Repr, of S. and a Senator from E.^sex co. ; removed to Cambridge in 1826 as Librarian of the Univ., and there d. July 26, 1831, (53) ; a sacrifice to his extreme devotion to the preparation of the new Catalogue of the Library, which appeared soon after his death (3 vols. 8vo.) His ''History of Harvard University" (8 vo. 1833) — another pos- thumous memorial, — is, if not the most ambitious to a true antiquary, the most welcome and congenial record of our Alma Mater. Mr. P. m. Lydia Ropes, dau. of Capt. Ich. Nichols.
1802. — Ichabod Nichols,* fourth son of Capt. I. N. : the most hon- ored member at Commencement, of a much-famed class ; Mathem. Tutor at Cambr. [1807 — '09]; third min. of the First ch. of Portland, being ord. as colleague with Rev. Dr. Deane, June 7, 1809; m. (1) Dorothy, dau. of Gov. (Jn. Taylor) Gilman, of Exeter, N. II., (2) Martha Stor- row, dau. of Stephen Iligginson, of Cambr., May, 1832. He has published but little, except the Natural Theology, (12mo. 1830), a volume of classical authority in the theological schools.
Charles Saunders, eld. son of Capt. Tho. Saunders : awhile
a merch. in Salem ; Steward of Harv. Univ. [1827 — '30] ; since then a virtuoso and gent, of leisure ; for several years resident in Boxtbrd, north parish ; of late, his abode nowhere long stationary. He m. Char- lotte Nichols, sister of the preceding.
1803. — Simon Forrester, second son of Capt. S. F. : a student at law with the Hon. Wm. Prescott (then of S.), but went abroad in one of his father's ships, and under a temporary derangement probably threw himself from the cabin window, Oct., 1807 ; unm.
Benj. Hodges,, eld. son of Capt. B. II.: d., of consumption,
— unm. — Apr. 10, 1804.
1804. — Benj. Ropes Nichols, fifth son of Capt. I h. N. : couns.-at- law in S., and, since 1824, in Bost.; a member of the Mass. Hi>t. Soc. ; m. Marv, youngest dau. of Col. Tim. Pickering, April, 1813; and d. in B. April 30, 1848.
\_To be concluded, .]
* J. N and his brother B. R. N. (class of 1804) were, in strictness, b. in Ports- mouthy during the father's sojourn there for a few years of the Kevolutionary war.
1851.] Colman Papers. 57
COLMAN PAPERS.
Boston June yc 30 1G09. Dear Brother
Sir — I may not pretend to exprese yc Raptures of Joy seising my speritt at ye reading your dear letter to my brother* wc we receive'd 2 daies since, \vc give me great grounds yl my Long-Continued hops shal not be frustrated but y* I shall in due time receive ye unaware of our many prayers, in your return, my dear brother how shall I exprese my self. I am even overcome wth Joy my heart is almost ready to burst within me by reason ot ye gladness yrof, I find ye Elections and faculties of a person may be much iisordered when surfiting in Joy, this has given me many thoughts wether it were nesesary to write at ys time, but knowing ye tenderness in your Judgment toward our sex ; 1 liaveing y" allowed me wth your transiant thoughts on my happy surprise I ma, not but esteem my self vvel armed to rush through ye uprors of my speritt a line or 2 into your hands, It seems to me almost an age since I received a line from you. If you nelect I hope you do not forget me. I know you do not, your Care to me and your prayers for me have asured me otherwise, follow me still with your prayers, I Cannott but admier at y* providence of god in disposing maters so as to bring about and order your settelment hear among us?f I wold humbly hope ys to be a token for good unto us. It seems as If ye Clouds were dispersing ye storms pasing over and ye sun with its Illustruous beams is gliding over our distresed family alas unto us If we receive not ys mercy wth due resentments yron, ye Elects of It may Justly be j1 It prove only a golden wedge about ye neck to sink us depper into misery 1 wold not be unmindful of ye mercy I Injoy in ye lives of both of you viz: my brother wth whom I reside w* yourself. I esteem it not only my happiness but also my prevelidge, my brother has not been Content to prove himself a father to me, but wth y® tender bowells of a mother has Compasanated me in al my distres, and •while I mention ys I do not nor Can I forget your tender Care and love manifested towards me even from your Childhood but more espeshily since absent by your dear letters and much surpasing ym your prayers w" I am vvel assured I have had & yt many of ym I Esteem your return to me no smal blesing I remain in a single state & am glad I do so I belevel should not have advantage'd my [self] by being otherwise I do quietly sub- mit to providence, tho disupointments of y* nature may seem irksome! I shal not perticularise to you now I think it not Conveneant I hope in a few months to see you & yn nothing too secrett wth rne for you to know you Can desier, my brother hopes you wil Com wth Capt gilbert for foster wil Come late & we fear you wil be exposed to ye hardships of ye winter wc you are senceble are bad on our Coast but it may be not so senceble as it may make you If you prove it by Experience ; & ye Inhabitants of ys land have said they never see such winters as we have had ys last year but one I am much at raide of your being blown of ye Coast If you stay late I am already in much distrese for you least your delay should bring on you any In Conveneance, and therfore my d.iar brother I Entrett & beseech of you y* that as for your own security so also in Compason to me who am by these pleading wth [you] whose hart is alwais fulof distres & fear
* John Colman ? See Gen. Reg , III., 109.
t Colman had just received and accepted an invitation to become the Pastor of tho "Mew Church" in Brattle Square. — H»'c/.. 112 — 13, et.seq. \ She subsequently married a Stamford.
6
58 Colman Papers. [Jan.
about you & more now yn ordinary be entreated by me if possible to dis- pacth your busnes and Com wth gilbert or any other y' may Com timely before ye winter, & y4 you may be preserve'd from al evills and dangers & re.urn'd to your relations wc are longing for so happy a day and y* y3 re- tur11 of yours may be a sure token for good unto us is ye heartty prayers ofy our Ef'ectu" sister Sarah Colman.
mrs dowding gives her service to you hannah her love [Without superscription. Endorsed " Sarah Colman."]
Rev. & Dr Sr Wensday morning, aug. 9.
Ye ministers having Pitchd on ye R Mr Thacher to give Mr Pemberton ye Right Hand of Fellowship, & He refusing, as also Mr Sewall after Him ; they then fix'd on me : and tho I excus'd myself as much as those, yet they would proceed no further & so they left it.
Now this I cant but apprehend to be a great Impropriety, will be so accounted by ye auditors ; & therefore must be extreamly irksome to me, to consider myself as standing in an improper Place on that occasion : It having been ye common Practice for ye 2d Person in age or Dignity to Perform that office: and as this will doubtless be expected by ye congrega- tion, they cant but judg it a piece of Petulence in me to undertake it, wc I extreamly abhorr.
It therfore naturaly falling on Mr Colman, & no doubt ye ministers would have fix'd it there, if He had not been unhappily absent a munday ; I must therefore most earnestly intreat You to undertake it, & to come prepared for it: that so such a significant & desireable a Rite may not be omitted at ye solemnity. lam Your most respectfu 11
[Superscribed] Humble servant T. Prince.
To the Reverend Mr Colman, Boston.
Boston, Saturday, 5 h, p. m.
Sir — Yours dated yesterday, Aug*. 4, is just now come to hand — I have been with Dr. Bulfinch who hopes ye Cabbage leaves may be of Service. If they answer not, & ye swelling grows worse he desires to hear, & he will come up. However I think to get him to do so to-mor- row, after ye Evening Service : & am with all love & prayers to & for every body, Sir, Your &c, B. Colman.
The ministers have appointed me to preach a Sermon at Mr. Pember- ton's Ordination, next Wednesday,* if God please ; which will be like to hinder me from seeing you ye begining of ye week. But if ye Dr. do not come to-morrow, be sure to write to me on monday, & send it by some sure bearer. For the Rev'd. Mr. Turell, of Medford,
[Superscribed] Speedily and wth care.
ME Benjamin Colman Philadelphia March 28
Rd: Brother 1707
Since our imprisonment we have commenced a correspondence with our Rd: Brethren of the ministry at Boston, which we hope, according to our intention, has been communicated to you all ; whose Sympathising concurrence I cannot doubt of, in our expensive Struggle, for asserting our
* Ebenezer Pemberton was ordained colleague with Rev. Samuel Willard, Pastor of the Old South, on Wednesday, 28 Aug., 1700. This letter, therefore, must have been written on the 24th.; and consequently the date in the first line must have been a slip of the pen.
1851.1 Colman Papers. 59
liberty, against the powerfull invasion of Ld Cornbury, which is not yet over.*
I need not tell you of a pick'd Jury, and the penall Laws are invading our American Sanctuary, without the least regard to the toleration ; which should justly alarm us all. I hope ME Campbell, to whom I direct this for the more safe conveyance, has shown or informed you, what I wrote last.
We are so far upon our return home : tho I must return for a finall tryall, which will be very troublesome and expensive ; And we only had liberty, to attend a meeting of Ministers, we had formerly appointed here ; and were only Seven in number, at first, but expect a growing number. Our desi^ne is to meet yearly, and oftener, if necessary, to consult the most proper measures for advancing religion, and propogating Christian- ity, in our various stations, and to maintain such a Correspondence as may conduce to the improvement of our ministeriall abilityes by prescribing texts to be preached on by two of our number at every meeting, which performance is subjected to the censure of our Brethren ; our Subject is Paul's Epistle To the Hebrews. I and another began, and performed our parts on vs 1, 2, and the 3 is prescribed to ME Andrews and another. If any friends write, direct to ME Jn. Bird [?] at Philadelphia to be directed to me in Virginia. Pardon S E this diversion from
Your humble Servant, and Brother in the A letter from our meeting is directed worke of the Gospell
to ME Cotton Mather, in the name Ffkancis Makemie.
of the rest [Without superscription.]
Dear Sr. London, 7th. June, 1707.
I have yours of the 7th. and 10th. of October both which I heartily thank you for: The Address of the Minrs. being detain'd by contrary Winds for some time in Ireland was presented singly after the others that came from your Province wch. I hope were all acceptable to her Majtie. & have certainly this Effect to lessen in the Opinion of Mankind the unac- countable Jealousie of some that New Engld. has no Loyal Dispositions.
All Good Men here rejoice that a Religious Zeal still reigns in that Country, & that so remote a Wilderness should afford so many Excell4 Instances of Piety & Virtue among wch. whether you will suffer me or' no I must name yor. discourses on the Parable of the 10. Virgins, & take this Opportunity to thank you for the invaluable present, and that you have given me a New Occasion to boast in the Products of my Country.
I send you inclos'd written Copies of the Letters lately pass'd betwixt Geneva & Oxford (for want of Printed ones by me) wch. I beleive will not be unacceptable to many of our New Britains.
We have lost a Battle in Spain, & 'tis fear'd the French will not give the D. of Marl : opportunity to retreive it in the Netherlands. M : Vil- lars has forc'd the lines of Stolhoften & pretends to penetrate into Bava- ria. The Success of the D. of Savoy & Pr : Eugene's Projects is impa- tiently expected. The 1st. Parliam*. of Great Britain are to meet at Westminster 23d. Octr. & ye Union takes place in spite of all the Oppositions it has met with. The Q. & Court go next Thursday to
* For particulars concerning the unwarrantable persecution of Makemie (or M'Kemie) and John Hampton, two Presbyterian Ministers, by Cornbury, the tyranni- cal Governor of New York, the reader is referred to Smith's History of New York, and the other historians of that period. An account of the Trial was printed at the time, and reprinted, according to Smith, in 1 755.
60 Oolman Papers. [Jan.
Windsor for the summer. My humble service to your Lady & Brr. John & beleive that I am Sr.
Yor. most Obedient humble Serv*. Henry Newman.
I waited on Mr. Pitman in (he Queen's Bench upon Receit of yor. Lett1", with the tender of my Poor service, he told me the following Term he shd. be discharg'd of course \vch. I hope he is, having heard nothing from him since I am as above Yo™ HN.
A Great Number of Officers & Persons of Quality have offer'd them- selves Voluntarily to be sacrifices to retreive our loss in Spain, and 'tis said The D. of Northumberland one of K. Charles's Sons is to go Captn. General. [Without superscription. Endorsed "H Newman"]
My dear and honoured Friend. 3d. XImo. 17 }$,
Misunderstanding [pen drawn through in MS.] — Away with it, I beseech you, Term and Thing. There is none at all. As 1 have dealt with the Term, so Lett )e Thing be dealt withal.
Adoni Avi [?]. with his usual prudence, and all possible Tenderness, Lett fall an Hint, as having Learnt from You, that souse thought, our children's Visit, as well as mine, where it was then talk'd of, had some inconvenient constructions made of it. The Hint was Friendly and pru- dent ; But it was not improper for me, to mention it unto the children, that there might be nothing said or done Incauselously. This is all I know Of any Misunderstanding or Disaffection, or Disesteem raised on this occasion, — I entreat you to be very Easy ; Every body is so, for ought 1 know. Tis all well ; just as it was ; and as it should be.
As to my own Visit, (which I endeavored altogether to avoid, by a Letter, which I hoped would answer all the Intentions of it,) I could give you a pretty satisfactory Account of it. But it is needless. I knew, at the very Time of it, I did Imprudently. I was aware of what has hap- pened. I said so. — But my best Account will be, that even before the prudent Hint you gave (e\en on the Friday before, from something I then melt withal) I had fully made and spoke the Resolution you would most advise unto. And the Neighbors will no more have the Least occa- sion given them, to suspect me of any Designs not proper for me.
To be free with you ; I have too high an opinion of the Discretions, as well as other Good Qualities in your Excellent Friend, to entertain any Imagination that (suppose we should Live a year more, which for myself I do not suppose ; — but, psal. LXXXVIII. 3) one of my many unrecom- mendable circumstances could find any Acceptance there.
My Friend, I have no manner of prospect, of Returning unto a state wherein I have sometimes Lived in a somewhat Agreeable & Gentle- manly manner. Tho' I have not hitherto taken anywhere one step that way, yett I have by the Edges had Hints enough, to satir- fy me, that my Grandfather 's will has forbid all such prospect unto me.
It is, I confess, too natural, for us foolish old men, when we have a Whimsey from every Quarter buzz'd into or ears, to think a Little, Wltat there may be in it. I have, no doubt, foolishly enough, been ready to fall into this weakness. But, as yett my old Age has not gott so far, but that, I presently Recollect; I presently am sensible of the Delusion\; presently bring all to rights, as a Dying man ought to do.
My Life is full of sacrifices. And, if I had not a very Deceitful Heart, I would have said, I know nothing in this world, that I have not in some Degree (or Desire) sacrificed. I have also gott into the Delight of sacri- ficing, what I have not, as well as what I have.
1851.]
Colman Papers.
61
A Late King of Argier [?] called, Medio-Morto, that is, Half-dead, had a Name which it seems more proper for me to challenge than any other. I am sony, it so much suits me, in regard of ye mortification, wherein one so nigh Death, ought to be exemplary. I ask your prayers, that I may go thorough with that work ; not Leave it done by Halfes.
Old Jerome, (I confess, a very soure sort of man) has given me good Advice. Cogita te quotidie moriturum et de Secundis Nuptiis [?] nun- quam cogitatis. My Heart would Reproach me, if I had not more than one hundred Thoughts of my Death, to one of ye Fancy my Neighbors talk of. Your Advice, which T must alwayes value & Request, Leaning & Leading that way,* wrould sensibly strengthen my Dispositions.
I hope you will outlive me ; And I shall endeavor to deserve it, that at my Death you may remember me, as one studious many wayes to approve himself, Sr. Your true Brother
& hearty & constant Friend, Co : Mather.
Having both wth Tongue & Pen, told my opinion to your Invaluable Friend, That Your conversation would be so profitable, & so comfortable there would never be the Least Need of any other : I hope, I need not ask you, to continue in affording as much of it, as is possible, to one so very worthy of it.
When you have perused ye cruel Pamphlett I now send you, you
will permitt as Quick a Return of it as may be. [Superscribed] To the Reverend, Mr. B. Colman.
PASSENGERS FOR VIRGINIA, JULY, 1635. [Communicated by II. G. Somerby, Esq.] Theis under- written names are to be transported to Virginea imbarqued in the Alice, Richard Orchard, Mr. the Men have taken the oath of Allege- ance & Suprem.
Robt. Baxter
Jo: Bently
Jo: Holdsmorth
Jo. Wright
Charles Peacock
Chri: Hudson
Jo: Smith
Jo: Cooper
Edward Waggett
Jo: Viccars
Tho: Atkinson
Theis under written names are to be transported to Virginea imbarqued in the Assurance de Lo: Isack Bromwell & Geo: Pewrsie Mr. examined by the Minister of the Towne of Gravesend of their conformitie in or. Religion, the men have taken the oath of Allegeance & Supremacie.
|
Edward Hughes |
21 |
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James Morfy |
21 |
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Robert Haggar |
33 |
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Tho: Askew |
21 |
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Ricd Cooke |
21 |
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Miles Atkinson |
22 |
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Rowland Vaughan |
19 |
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Richard Natt |
18 |
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Era: Jenkinson |
28 |
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Will1" Kendridd |
20 |
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Jo: Wilson |
29 |
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21 |
Rowland Sadgerner |
21 |
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34 |
Wm. Massingburd |
23 |
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20 |
Jo: Hutton |
17 |
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21 |
Elizabeth Dew |
32 |
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28 |
Ann Dew 9 |
mo. |
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30 |
Rachell Adams |
16 |
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20 |
Avis Deacon |
19 |
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20 |
Hanna Glifford |
20 |
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20 |
Eliza: Blanch |
20 |
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35 |
Sophia Rottrie |
1G |
|
27 |
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yeres |
yeres |
y |
eres |
||
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Robert Brian |
27 |
Tho: Pagett |
41 |
Sara Rayne |
18 |
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Maudlin Jones |
60 |
Mathew Holmes |
21 |
Andrew Underwood |
22 |
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Ann Shawe |
32 |
Elias Harrington |
22 |
Philip Johns |
22 |
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Jo: Duncombe |
46 |
Richard Smith |
35 |
Henrie Marshall |
35 |
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Sith Haieward |
30 |
Tho: Robinson |
24 |
Henry Heiden |
30 |
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Richard Hamey |
38 |
Evan ap Evan |
19 |
Elizabeth Shcrlocke |
29 |
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Wm. Holland |
35 |
Jo: Browne |
21 |
Tho: Hurlock |
40 |
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Henry Snow |
26 |
Robert Frithe |
23 |
Samuel Handy |
25 |
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Marie Southwood |
22 |
Tho: Wilkinson |
23 |
Jo: Gater |
36 |
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Francis Roweson |
29 |
James Southern |
19 |
Joan Gater |
23 |
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Richard Glover |
24 |
Margerie Baker |
39 |
Wm. Lee |
36 |
|
6* |
*Jerome. |
(52
Passengers from Virginia.
[Jan.
Josua Titloe Jo: Middleton Robert Haiward Samuel Powell Win. Robbell Robert Wyon Mathew Dixon John Wheeler Jo: North
Mountford Newman Robert Steere Wm. Lake Humfrey Wilkins Ant0 Stilgo Tho: Deaeon Robt. Rigglie Be ni am in Pi Hard Robert Davies Jo: Smith Walter Meridith Tho: Phillips James Kingsmill Jo: Bowton Walter Chapman James Arnold Richard Leake Tho: Edwinn Hundgate Baker Jo: Abrock Tho: Hall James Edwin Edward Comins Dennis Hoggin Jo: Friccar Richard Ridges Edward Davies Theo lories Bakewell Jo: Dermot Jo: Morgan Tho: Baycock Ricd Rogers Ricd Lockley Jo: Jakes Tho: More Jo: Baker Nehemiah Caston Robert Mayes Richard Barne3 Jo: Buttler Warram Tuck Jo: Jones Wm. Colture Robert Silby Ried Bruster Jo: Swanley Wm. Charles Anthony Lee Will™ Williams Henry George Jo: Billings Wm. White Robert Lovett Job Jefferie
1 9 Henrie Haler 22
23 Richard Symons 30
22 James Sparks 57
19 Richard Kirbie 32
19 James Hingle 40
22 Tho: Saunderson 24
18 Wm. Spicer 20
23 Wilim Thomas 19
24 Henry Madin 30
27 Edward Ed nail 21
17 Tho: Jefferies 22 35 Nic° Jackson 22
19 Tho- Sprat* 23
21 Tho: Leonard 18 19 Jo: Gater 15
19 Nic° Gibson 22
18 Jo: Roberts 46
28 Geo. Mosely 20
20 James Ravesh 20 33 Jo: Hales 21 24 Robert Handley 19 18 Jo: Aymies 18 20 Jo: Tayler 21 44 Wm. Roffin 18
37 Ricd Halsey 13 18 Ant0 Otland 18 13 Robert Oldrick 18
22 Wm. Hall 21
20 Jo: Copeland 19 15 John Goad 18
18 Jo:Pooly 17 28 Francis Geyer 18
24 Tho: Craven 17
25 Ricd Lucas 16
19 Geo. Cullidge 18 27 Lawrence Barker 26
21 Jo: Bowes 20
21 Jo: Woodbridge 32
27 Jo: Johnson 20 46 Jo: Chappell 38 48 Geo. Whittaker 32 51 Richard Liversidge 24
20 Henrie Wood 20
19 Robert Max 21
22 Jo Warren 18
21 Tho: Turner 18
28 Jo: Garland 19
38 Jo: Humfrey 23 50 Isack Ambrose 18
20 Wm. Huncote 35 30 Tho: Williams 19 19 Tho: Foxcrofte 19 19 Tho:Hobbs 22
26 Charles Collohon 1 9
21 Marie Averie 22 21 Sara Alport 25 21 Maria Lee 22 28 Elizabeth Bateman 23
19 Thomazin Markcom 26 21 Tho: Beson 24
18 Chri: Dixon 24
20 Isack Kemp 23
19 Jeremie Slie 19
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Jo: O'Mullin |
18 |
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Ant0 Proctor |
16 |
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Henry Doun |
23 |
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Roger Quintin |
21 |
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Wm. Small |
18 |
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Wm. Coleman |
16 |
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Ant0 Andrewe |
21 |
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Jo: Richardson |
18 |
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Wm. Claddin |
17 |
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Tho: Gudderedge |
17 |
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Rodger Burley |
17 |
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Tho:~Burd |
16 |
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Henry Butler |
14 |
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Jo: Budd |
15 |
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Jn° Marshall |
35 |
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Wm. Read |
30 |
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Edward Mitchell |
18 |
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Robert Drewrie |
16 |
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Ricd Welle |
17 |
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Jo: Cotes |
17 |
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Jo: Stubber |
17 |
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Henry Lee |
18 |
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Ricd Ball |
17 |
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Jo: Cooke |
17 |
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Tho: Syer |
14 |
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Jo: Patridge |
18 |
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Jo: Johnson |
24 |
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WOMEN |
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Isbell Davis |
22 |
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Isabel 1 Hakesby |
23 |
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Joan Vail ins |
17 |
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Marie Chambney |
28 |
Elizabeth Allcott 20
Frances Bakewell 30
Elizabeth Payne 21
Elizabeth Hughson 22
Elizabeth Raynard 20
Marie Ollrver 21
Alice Riall 18
Rebecca Parmeter 19
Marie Middleton 17
Ann Goldwell 1 7
Ann Griffin 26
James Brooks 28
uxor Alice Brookes 18
Dorcas Mercer 30
Ellin Davies 23
Alice Harris 21
Eedie Holloway 22
Sara Coggin 20
Elizabeth Baker 20
Dorothie Davies 17
Kat: Fnlder 17
Eliz: Dicks 18
Sara Greene 20
Margaret Ricord 20
Winnifred Congrave 22
Mathew Plant 23
Jo: More 28
Elizabeth Powell 17
Marie Shorter 26 Marie Lee 14 weeks
Mathew Clatworthy 25
1851.] Records of Windsor, Ct. 63
RECORD OF MARRIAGES AND BIRTHS
In the Town of Windsor, in Connecticut, copied from the first book of Records in Windsor, under the date of 18 May, 1 674, and with the following preamble by the Recorder :
"May 18, 1674. I here set down a new genealogy of children that " have been born in AVindsor and have come to my knowledge to enter " them upon in the old Book that being full there is not place to